How Amazon Communities Are Rewriting the Rules of the Bioeconomy

In the flooded forests of the Brazilian Amazon, a giant fish that can grow to three meters in length has become the unlikely centerpiece of a scientific argument about how to save the world’s largest rainforest. A new study published in the journal Environmental Management analyzes four Amazonian initiatives—a sustainably managed fishery for pirarucu, fine cocoa and chocolate production in the Transamazônica region, the collective brand Aíra built around traditional cuia handicrafts, and the Origens Brasil ethical trade platform—and concludes that the fate of the region’s bioeconomy depends less on which products are harvested than on how power, information, and money flow through the value chains that connect forest communities to distant markets.

The research, led by Maria Sylvia Macchione Saes and colleagues at the University of São Paulo together with partners at the Federal University of Pará and the Federal University of Western Pará, frames its question through the theory of sociotechnical transitions. In that framework, radical innovations emerge in protected niches, while the dominant regime—the entrenched rules, practices, and market structures of conventional production—resists change until pressures from the broader landscape, such as climate agreements and traceability demands, open windows of opportunity. The authors argue that the conventional bioeconomy model exported from the Global North, focused on industrial biotechnology and biofuels, fails to address the realities of the Amazon, where millions of people depend directly on standing forests for their livelihoods. Their alternative concept, the sociobioeconomy, couples biodiversity conservation with social inclusion and the valorization of traditional knowledge, with local communities as protagonists rather than raw material suppliers.

The pirarucu case offers the study’s most striking quantitative evidence. By the end of the twentieth century, unregulated capture had driven stocks of this iconic freshwater fish toward collapse and onto endangered species lists. The turning point came through a sequence of Brazilian environmental agency rulings that recognized local fishing agreements, exempted managed areas from blanket closed seasons, and introduced individual tagging of legally caught fish. The technical heart of the system is a counting method developed by researchers at the Mamirauá Institute for Sustainable Development working alongside fishers, who identify pirarucu populations by observing the characteristic surfacing behavior of the animals. Those counts determine the annual harvest quota authorized by the federal environmental agency IBAMA, capped at thirty percent of the adult stock above one and a half meters. Each fish landed receives a tag recording its origin, size, sex, and date, creating traceability along the entire chain.

What makes the arrangement scientifically interesting, the authors argue, is its governance architecture. Drawing on Elinor Ostrom’s principles of polycentric governance, they show how multiple decision-making centers—community associations, fishermen’s colonies, NGOs, and federal, state, and municipal agencies—coordinate without any single authority dominating. Annual community assemblies set quotas and investment priorities, while voluntary environmental agents from the communities monitor lakes during the critical December-to-June period, compensating for the structural limits of state enforcement in remote territories. Because the quota a community receives is proportional to the stock it protects, conservation becomes an economic self-interest rather than an externally imposed sacrifice. An enforcement officer from the Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation reported that early enforcement trips once seized more than a ton of illegal pirarucu each, while the last three trips yielded zero kilos, since legal management earns fishers roughly three times more than clandestine sales.

The ecological results are dramatic. Since the first management initiative began in 1999, pirarucu stocks in managed lakes have increased by approximately 620 percent, while unmanaged areas continued to decline. The practice has spread to 48 fishing agreements across 25 municipalities, benefiting around 415 communities and more than 8,000 families, and a federal payment-for-environmental-services program for community-based pirarucu management was recently approved. Monitoring remains expensive—roughly thirty percent of total production cost—and illegal fishing persists, but the researchers describe the model as a replicable social technology that has begun to reshape the institutional regime itself.

The second case examines fine cocoa in the Transamazônica region of Pará, where cocoa cultivation dates to government colonization schemes of the 1970s. For decades, farmers sold bulk beans to intermediaries, with profits captured outside the region and a small group of companies controlling around ninety percent of Brazil’s cocoa bean market. From the 2000s onward, rising global demand for premium chocolate, traceability requirements, and state programs supporting agroforestry systems created space for a niche of cooperatives producing fine-flavor cocoa and bean-to-bar chocolate. Cooperatives such as COOPATRANS, owner of the Cacauway brand, disseminated controlled fermentation and standardized drying techniques, while universities and research institutions built local processing capacity. The result is a partial reconfiguration of the value chain: producers have internalized processing stages, won national and international quality awards, and diversified into their own shops and product lines, reducing historical dependence on middlemen. Agroforestry cultivation has simultaneously helped regenerate degraded land and relieve pressure on remaining forest.

The third and fourth cases operate transversally across value chains rather than within a single commodity. In the Lower Amazon, artisans who craft cuias—vessels made from the fruit of the cuieira tree, a tradition practiced by Indigenous and riverside communities for at least three centuries—organized into the association Asarisan and in 2014 registered the Aíra collective brand, the first of its kind in Pará. After IPHAN recognized the craft as Brazilian Cultural Heritage in 2015, the brand allowed artisans to bypass middlemen entirely: while intermediaries paid the equivalent of about US$0.29 per painted cuia, prices on the brand’s own website range from US$1.56 to US$3.92, at least five times higher. Yet the case also exposes the limits of polycentricity when power is uneven. The artisans depend heavily on institutional partners for bureaucratic brand management, and the authors note that such hidden asymmetries constrain the community’s capacity for joint value creation even when a product’s symbolic value is high.

Origens Brasil, orchestrated by the NGO Imaflora, is the largest experiment of the four: a network of 206 stakeholders, including 39 companies, 79 communities, and 88 NGOs, operating across 62 million hectares of conservation areas. The platform enforces ethical trade rules—transparent negotiation, fair prices, respect for traditional ways of life, and formalized contracts—while deliberately refusing to mediate negotiations, which occur directly between producers and companies. Between 2016 and 2025, the network grew from 3 to 79 communities, from 5 to 43 companies, and from roughly R$520,000 to more than R$8.3 million in annual transactions. Community members report returning youth, near-parity between men and women in income-generating activities, and a growing sense that buyers are paying not just for products but for conservation history itself.

Across all four cases, the authors identify a common structural shift: from a monocentric regime dominated by intermediaries who centralize information and capture value, toward networked polycentric arrangements in which decision-making is distributed among communities, NGOs, cooperatives, and state agencies that coordinate, monitor one another, and co-create rules. Orchestrators such as Imaflora and the Mamirauá Institute function as connective nodes rather than hierarchical authorities. The barriers that remain are sobering—high logistics and surveillance costs, difficult certifications, pervasive informality, and institutional fragility—but the study’s central conclusion is that successful transitions depend less on the specific product than on the robustness of governance and the equity of value distribution. For the Amazon, the researchers suggest, saving the forest may ultimately be an institutional design problem, solved not by new technologies alone but by reconfiguring who holds power over the value that forests generate.

Subject of Research: Governance and institutional drivers of sociobioeconomy transitions in the Brazilian Amazon

Article Title: Transitions to Sociobioeconomy in the Amazon: Governance, Business, and Sustainable Innovations

Article References: Saes, M. S. M., de Mello, A. M., Feitosa, E. R. M., Fernandes, J. A. L., dos Santos, Z. J. C. G., & Hamza, K. M. (2026). Transitions to Sociobioeconomy in the Amazon: Governance, Business, and Sustainable Innovations. Environmental Management, 76(9), Article 302. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-026-02532-y

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s00267-026-02532-y

Keywords: Amazon, sociobioeconomy, polycentric governance, pirarucu, fine cocoa, collective brands, ethical trade, sustainable transitions, traditional knowledge, value chains, conservation, Environmental Management