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	<title>workforce management &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>workforce management &#8211; Science</title>
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		<title>COVID-19 Deepened Health Risks and Skill Gaps for Bangladesh Construction Workers</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/covid-19-deepened-health-risks-and-skill-gaps-for-bangladesh-construction-workers/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 06 Oct 2026 01:38:45 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[accident causation in construction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bangladesh]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[construction industry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Construction industry health risks]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19 impact on Bangladeshi construction workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hazard management during COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[informal workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[job demands-resources model in construction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[labor informality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[labor vulnerabilities in hazardous industries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[occupational health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organizational failures in construction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological strain on construction workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[qualitative research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[skill development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[skill gaps in construction sector]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social support and safety resources in construction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sylhet]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[systemic safety hazards in construction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[training and education in construction industry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[workforce management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[workplace safety]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=239874</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A qualitative study of construction workers in Sylhet, Bangladesh, shows how the COVID-19 pandemic intensified occupational health risks, exposed workforce management failures, and disrupted the informal learning pathways on which the sector's skill development depends.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Construction workers in Bangladesh already labored in one of the world&#8217;s most hazardous industries before the pandemic arrived, but a new qualitative study from Sylhet shows how COVID-19 transformed existing vulnerabilities into a cascading crisis of health, management, and competence. Researchers Iftakhar Ahmad and Md. Ismail Hossain of Shahjalal University of Science and Technology interviewed 26 construction workers in depth, alongside 12 key informants including contractors, subcontractors, building owners, and government officials in the Sylhet City Corporation area. Their findings, published in Discover Social Science and Health, reveal that the pandemic did not simply add new problems to the sector; it amplified latent organizational failures that had been quietly accumulating for decades.</p>
<p>The study rests on an integrated theoretical framework combining three established models. The Job Demands–Resources model explains how excessive workloads, environmental hazards, and psychological strain erode well-being when they are not balanced by adequate resources such as protective equipment, supervision, and social support. Reason&#8217;s Accident Causation Theory contributes the distinction between latent failures, which are systemic weaknesses embedded in organizational processes, and active failures, the unsafe acts committed by frontline workers. Human Capital Theory completes the picture by framing education, training, and skill acquisition as determinants of productivity and safety. Together, these lenses allowed the researchers to trace how structural conditions, managerial decisions, and worker capacities interacted to produce harm during the crisis.</p>
<p>On the physical health front, the interviews documented a striking rise in respiratory illnesses, including asthma, shortness of breath, and chest congestion, which participants linked to the absence of personal protective equipment, overcrowded sites, viral exposure, and environmental pollution. Workers with pre-existing conditions were hit hardest. One asthmatic worker described having to continue living in a tent on site to support his family, which worsened his condition. Skin diseases such as itching, eczema, and infections also surged, attributed to frequent contact with unclean tools and limited access to safe water. Notably, the study captured a sharp divergence in accountability: building owners held contractors responsible for worker protection, while contractors framed the illnesses as natural phenomena or the result of workers&#8217; own poor hygiene practices, and a government official acknowledged that Bangladesh lacks a comprehensive occupational health framework tailored to construction, with no standardized injury reporting or emergency response protocols.</p>
<p>Mental health emerged as a second, less visible casualty. Fear of infection combined with income uncertainty imposed by movement restrictions created profound psychological strain. The researchers found that socioeconomic position shaped behavioral responses: some workers from relatively well-off families simply stopped working to protect themselves, while those without savings faced an agonizing choice between infection risk and family survival. One worker recounted being penniless during the pandemic and continuing to work despite fear and uncertainty because stopping meant no income for his family. This psychosocial tension, the authors argue, represents a persistent dilemma for informal laborers whose livelihoods depend on daily physical presence at hazardous sites.</p>
<p>Environmental conditions at the worksites compounded these risks. Participants described unsanitary sites lacking adequate water and soap, makeshift tents that were dirty and overcrowded, and waste scattered across working areas. Weak site organization and poor management amplified the hazards. Yet even here, narratives diverged: one contractor insisted that soap and water had been provided at every site under his contract, blaming workers&#8217; lackadaisical attitudes for non-compliance, while workers pointed to the absence of basic facilities. The researchers interpret this gap between managerial claims and worker experience as evidence of both weak enforcement and uneven adherence, mediated by limited education and awareness.</p>
<p>Workforce management failures formed the study&#8217;s second major theme. Contractors, who often serve as the sole authority on Bangladeshi construction sites, were frequently absent during the pandemic. Their absence produced disorganization, communication gaps, and neglected site maintenance, with debris left scattered and workers receiving no clear guidelines or schedules. In the power vacuum, older workers, those with higher education, and relatives of contractors assumed informal supervisory roles, pressuring colleagues to complete tasks quickly to demonstrate performance to the contractors rather than to protect health and safety. Compliance with protective measures proved almost entirely externally driven: workers reported wearing masks and gloves only when the contractor or site owner visited, focusing otherwise on finishing quickly to secure their daily wage.</p>
<p>The pandemic also fractured schedules and supply chains. Lockdowns, transportation restrictions, and shop closures disrupted the delivery of construction materials, while contractors&#8217; absences left workers uncertain about their next tasks and procedures. Irregular working hours, sometimes beginning before 9 a.m. or extending past 5 p.m. without consultation, spilled over into workers&#8217; family lives and mental health. Building owners reported difficulties paying wages and meeting financial obligations to suppliers and subcontractors as cash flow constraints intensified. The study links these operational breakdowns directly to increased occupational risk, arguing that role ambiguity and disorganized activity translated managerial inefficiency into physical danger.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most culturally distinctive finding concerns religious belief. Many workers interpreted COVID-19 as a curse from Allah, a consequence of human sins that would affect only the guilty, and believed that ultimate protection came from God rather than human intervention. While such beliefs provided psychological comfort, they often reduced adherence to preventive measures. One building owner described advising a worker to refit a mask that had slipped beneath his lip; the worker refused, stating that infection happens according to Allah&#8217;s will. The authors emphasize that these fatalistic interpretations, particularly common among workers with limited literacy, underscore the need for health education that is culturally sensitive rather than dismissive of religious context.</p>
<p>Skill development, the third theme, revealed a structural failure long predating the pandemic. Formal training programs and vocational certification schemes for construction workers in Bangladesh remain limited, and most workers enter the trade without task-specific competencies in plastering, bricklaying, handling sharp tools, or working at heights. Skills are instead acquired through informal mechanisms: learning from mistakes, observation, peer mentoring, and occasional safety meetings held by contractors. One worker described progressing from material bearer to plasterer over nine years of gradual development, while noting that many newcomers lose their jobs before achieving proficiency. The pandemic severed these fragile learning pathways, as lockdowns and social distancing ended safety discussions and reduced contact with experienced workers, leaving novices confused, error-prone, and unsafe.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s integrative contribution lies in showing how these three domains reinforce one another. Limited skills made workers unable to understand or apply pandemic protocols, such as physical distancing or sanitizing shared tools, while managerial absence removed the guidance that might have compensated. The result was slower task completion, repeated errors, interrupted workflows, and reduced productivity, alongside heightened infection and injury risk. The authors propose a multi-level response: strict enforcement of the Bangladesh National Building Code, institutionalized safety audits, mandatory contingency planning with risk financing and insurance, continuous site-level supervision with quality protective equipment and digital communication tools, structured competency-based vocational training, and community-based mental health services and awareness campaigns delivered by NGOs and labor organizations. They acknowledge limitations, including the regional focus on Sylhet, purposive sampling, and self-reported data, and call for mixed-methods and post-pandemic research. But their central conclusion stands: the pandemic exposed how structural, managerial, educational, and cultural factors interact to produce occupational vulnerability, and only coordinated, evidence-informed action across all of them can build a resilient construction workforce in Bangladesh.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on occupational health, workforce management, and skill development among construction workers in Bangladesh</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Impacts of COVID-19 on occupational health, workforce management, and skill development in the construction sector in Bangladesh</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Ahmad, I., &amp; Hossain, M. I. (2026). Impacts of COVID-19 on occupational health, workforce management, and skill development in the construction sector in Bangladesh. <em>Discover Social Science and Health, 6</em>(1), Article 94. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00426-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00426-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00426-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s44155-026-00426-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> COVID-19, construction industry, occupational health, Bangladesh, workforce management, skill development, informal workers, mental health, workplace safety, qualitative research, Sylhet, labor informality</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">239874</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Burnout Tops the List of What Drives Quiet Quitting in Indian Hospitals, Experts Say</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/burnout-tops-the-list-of-what-drives-quiet-quitting-in-indian-hospitals-experts-say/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 25 Sep 2026 23:23:26 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Analytic Hierarchy Process]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[burnout]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[causes of quiet quitting in healthcare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Delphi method]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effects of emotional exhaustion on medical professionals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emotional exhaustion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emotional exhaustion among medical staff]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[employee disengagement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[employee disengagement in hospitals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Healthcare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Healthcare worker burnout]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare workforce retention challenges]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hospital management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of burnout on patient care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Indian healthcare work environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Indian hospitals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organizational factors influencing quiet quitting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[quiet quitting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[quiet quitting in Indian hospitals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strategies to reduce burnout among healthcare workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[understaffing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[work-life imbalance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[workforce management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[workplace stress in Indian healthcare]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=215300</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A structured expert study ranks burnout, work-life imbalance, and understaffing as the leading perceived drivers of quiet quitting in Indian healthcare organisations.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Quiet quitting — the practice of doing exactly what the job requires and nothing more — has become one of the most debated workplace phenomena of the decade. In hospitals and clinics, where a nurse&#8217;s voluntary extra effort or a doctor&#8217;s willingness to stay late can determine whether a patient receives timely care, the stakes of that silent withdrawal are unusually high. A new study from researchers at the Vinod Gupta School of Management at the Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur now offers one of the first systematic rankings of what experts believe drives quiet quitting in Indian healthcare organisations, and the result is striking in its clarity: burnout and emotional exhaustion sit firmly at the top of the list.</p>
<p>The research, published in the open-access journal Discover Social Science and Health by Mainak Ghosh and Susmita Mukhopadhyay, set out to solve a problem that has hampered the field since the term quiet quitting entered popular vocabulary. Although the phenomenon — formally defined as a sustained limitation of discretionary effort while employees continue to perform their required duties — has been widely discussed, its possible causes have rarely been prioritised in a rigorous, structured way within Indian healthcare settings. Rather than guessing which factors matter most, the team assembled a panel of senior healthcare experts and asked them to weigh the evidence themselves.</p>
<p>The methodological backbone of the study was a two-stage design combining a modified Delphi process with the analytic hierarchy process, a structured decision-making technique originally developed for complex multi-criteria choices. The researchers began with a systematic literature review that identified 23 candidate drivers of quiet quitting, spanning individual, job-related, and organisational domains. These candidate factors were then put before a panel of 23 senior healthcare experts, who worked through four successive Delphi rounds, refining and narrowing the list based on collective judgement.</p>
<p>The retention criteria were deliberately strict. For a driver to survive the Delphi stage, the panel&#8217;s median rating had to reach at least eight on the study&#8217;s rating scale, and the standard deviation across experts could not exceed 1.00 — a statistical guarantee that the group was not merely divided but genuinely converging. Eleven of the original 23 drivers met these thresholds, forming a distilled set of expert-validated factors that ranged from workload and staffing issues to recognition, autonomy, and organisational support.</p>
<p>The second stage converted consensus into a ranking. Fifteen of the experts went on to complete pairwise comparisons in the analytic hierarchy process, judging each driver against every other in terms of relative importance. Their individual judgements were aggregated using an equal-weight geometric mean, a technique that prevents any single voice from dominating the group result. The mathematical rigour of the exercise was verified through consistency ratios: all 15 individual comparison matrices satisfied the conventional threshold of a consistency ratio at or below 0.10, and the aggregated group matrix achieved a consistency ratio of just 0.0605, indicating that the experts&#8217; judgements were coherent rather than arbitrary.</p>
<p>The resulting hierarchy is both intuitive and sobering. Burnout and Emotional Exhaustion emerged as the highest-ranked perceived driver, carrying a priority weight of 0.2217. Work–Life Imbalance followed closely at 0.1998, and Understaffing and Resource Constraints came third at 0.1277. Together, these three factors accounted for 54.92 percent of the total priority weight — meaning that, in the eyes of experienced healthcare professionals, more than half of the explanation for quiet quitting in Indian healthcare lies in the relentless depletion of the workforce&#8217;s physical and emotional reserves and the structural conditions that cause it.</p>
<p>What makes the findings particularly compelling is the extraordinary level of agreement among the experts. The Kendall&#8217;s coefficient of concordance, a statistical measure of how closely multiple raters align, reached 0.9602 — a value so close to unity that it suggests near-unanimous prioritisation. The researchers stress-tested this consensus in several ways. Leave-one-expert-out analyses, in which the ranking was recalculated after removing each participant in turn, preserved the complete group ranking every time. Bootstrap resampling, which repeatedly re-estimated the ranking from random subsamples, placed Burnout and Emotional Exhaustion first in 90.55 percent of samples. Even more remarkably, every professional subgroup within the panel produced the same complete rank order, indicating that doctors, administrators, and other senior professionals read the situation identically.</p>
<p>The technical strength of the design matters because prioritisation exercises in organisational research are often criticised for producing unstable or panel-dependent results. By combining a convergent Delphi stage with the multiplicative weighting logic of the analytic hierarchy process, and by validating the outcome with concordance statistics, sensitivity analyses, and resampling, Ghosh and Mukhopadhyay have built a case that their ranking reflects a durable expert consensus rather than a statistical fluke. The study also followed formal ethical safeguards, with approval from the Institute Ethics Committee of IIT Kharagpur granted before recruitment, informed consent from every participant, and full voluntariness of participation in line with the Declaration of Helsinki.</p>
<p>The practical implications reach directly into hospital management. The authors argue that because burnout and work-life imbalance dominate the expert hierarchy, they should form the first tier of any intervention strategy. But the third-ranked driver — understaffing and resource constraints — suggests that individual-level wellness programmes alone will not suffice. Instead, the study points toward an integrated approach in which hospitals connect staffing decisions, scheduling reform, workload control, managerial support, and protected recovery time into a single coherent policy framework. A mindfulness workshop, in other words, cannot compensate for a chronic staffing shortfall; the drivers of silent disengagement are systemic, and the response must be too.</p>
<p>The researchers are careful to delineate the boundaries of what their study can claim. The findings represent expert priorities — the considered judgements of senior healthcare professionals about which factors matter most — and do not establish causal effects. Whether reducing burnout actually reduces quiet quitting in Indian hospitals is a question for future empirical work, ideally longitudinal studies that track discretionary effort as working conditions change. Still, in a sector where coordination, continuity, and voluntary support directly shape the quality and safety of care, knowing where the experts would aim first is a valuable map. As quiet quitting continues to spread from social media discourse into the daily reality of overstretched health systems worldwide, this study offers Indian healthcare leaders a data-driven starting point: protect the workforce&#8217;s energy and time, and the quiet withdrawal of effort may begin to reverse.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Expert prioritisation of the perceived drivers of quiet quitting in Indian healthcare organisations using a modified Delphi method and analytic hierarchy process.</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Expert prioritisation of perceived drivers of quiet quitting in Indian healthcare organisations</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Ghosh, M., &amp; Mukhopadhyay, S. (2026). Expert prioritisation of perceived drivers of quiet quitting in Indian healthcare organisations. <em>Discover Social Science and Health</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00493-5" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00493-5</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00493-5" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s44155-026-00493-5</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> quiet quitting, healthcare, burnout, work-life imbalance, understaffing, Delphi method, analytic hierarchy process, Indian hospitals, employee disengagement, workforce management, emotional exhaustion, hospital management</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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