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	<title>transgender &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>transgender &#8211; Science</title>
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
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		<title>Most Young Females With Gender Dysphoria Report No Childhood Symptoms, Study Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/most-young-females-with-gender-dysphoria-report-no-childhood-symptoms-study-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 20 Sep 2026 21:53:50 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adolescent gender identity development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adolescents]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Archives of Sexual Behavior]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[birth-assigned females]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[childhood symptoms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[clinical assessment of gender identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[clinical profiles of gender dysphoria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[comorbidity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diagnosis of gender dysphoria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[DSM-5-TR]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[early-onset]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender dysphoria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gender dysphoria in young females]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender dysphoria research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender nonconforming behavior]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[heterogeneity in gender dysphoria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[late-onset]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[late-onset gender dysphoria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[non-binary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological distress in transgender youth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[puberty-related gender distress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sexual orientation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[transgender]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=203280</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A survey of 138 birth-assigned females aged 16 to 25 found that 79 percent did not meet retrospective childhood criteria for gender dysphoria, with late-onset participants more likely to identify as non-binary and early-onset participants showing more comorbidities and greater dysphoria severity.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>A new study of adolescent and young adult birth-assigned females experiencing gender dysphoria has found that nearly four in five participants did not report meeting diagnostic criteria for the condition in childhood, adding fresh empirical weight to one of the most contested debates in contemporary clinical psychology. The research, published in the journal Archives of Sexual Behavior, surveyed 138 females aged 16 to 25 and compared those with early-onset gender dysphoria—symptoms dating back to childhood—against those with a late-onset pattern in which distress emerged around puberty or later. The findings point to a strikingly heterogeneous population whose clinical profiles diverge in ways the authors say could reshape how clinicians assess and support young people presenting with gender-related distress.</p>
<p>Gender dysphoria refers to the psychological distress that arises when a person&#8217;s gender identity does not align with their sex observed at birth. For decades, the clinical literature described two broad developmental pathways. The early-onset pathway typically begins in early childhood, is marked by pervasive gender-nonconforming behavior, and is strongly associated with same-sex attraction upon sexual maturity. The late-onset pathway, documented extensively in males, emerges during or after puberty and is historically associated with an absence of childhood gender nonconformity and with attraction to the opposite sex. What has changed dramatically over the past fifteen years is the demographic composition of gender clinics: referrals are now dominated by adolescent females, many of whom report no childhood history of gender-nonconforming behavior and many of whom carry significant comorbid psychiatric diagnoses.</p>
<p>The research team, led by Hollie Hammond of Western Sydney University together with colleagues including James S. Morandini, recruited participants through social media platforms such as Facebook and Reddit, as well as word of mouth, rather than through gender clinics. This non-clinical sampling strategy was a deliberate methodological choice. Most previous evidence on the subject came either from clinic-referred samples or from parent-report studies, the latter of which have drawn sustained criticism for relying exclusively on parental accounts and for allegedly conflating transgender identity with a psychiatric diagnosis. By surveying young people directly, the researchers aimed to capture the experiences of a population that rarely appears in clinical datasets. Participants completed an anonymous online survey lasting an average of 37 minutes, and the team applied quality controls including bot detection, minimum completion times, and manual review of responses.</p>
<p>To classify onset type, participants answered eight symptom items adapted from the DSM-5-TR diagnostic criteria for childhood gender dysphoria, recalling their experiences between the ages of 3 and 11. Those who reported meeting at least six symptoms for a minimum of six months—the DSM-5-TR childhood diagnostic threshold—were placed in the early-onset group; those below the threshold were classified as late-onset. The results were lopsided: 29 participants (21 percent) fell into the early-onset category while 109 (79 percent) were late-onset. The late-onset group reported an average of fewer than two childhood symptoms, with the lowest endorsement on internal items such as dislike of one&#8217;s sexual anatomy and desire for the physical attributes of the other sex. The early-onset group, by contrast, most often recalled preferences related to clothing and cross-sex roles in make-believe play.</p>
<p>The statistical contrasts between the groups were substantial. Early-onset participants reported significantly more childhood symptoms, with an effect size of Cohen&#8217;s d = 3.05—one of the largest reported in this literature. They also adopted a non-cisgender identity earlier, at an average age of 12.68 years compared with 15.01 years for the late-onset group, and came out to others roughly two years sooner. Yet even the early-onset group diverged from classic clinical cohort studies, in which children typically presented to clinics around age six and socially transitioned by age eight. The authors suggest their early-onset subgroup may better be described as a pseudo-early-onset, or late childhood and early adolescent onset, pathway—one that does not replicate the developmental signature of the historical cohorts on which much of the evidence base for early gender-affirming care was built.</p>
<p>Gender identity itself differentiated the groups. Late-onset participants were significantly more likely to identify as non-binary, whereas early-onset participants more frequently endorsed binary identities such as man or male. The authors report that this association between onset type and gender identity has not been documented before, and they flag it as clinically significant given emerging evidence that non-binary identity is associated with poorer mental health outcomes in some meta-analyses and with higher odds of discontinuing gender-affirming medical treatment in others. Transmasculine was the most commonly endorsed identity in both groups, chosen by more than half of participants in each.</p>
<p>Sexual orientation told a different story from the male-dominated literature. Using an adapted Kinsey scale, over half of participants in both groups—51.7 percent of the early-onset and 57.8 percent of the late-onset—reported at least partial same-sex attraction, and only about a fifth to a quarter described themselves as exclusively attracted to males. This represents a dramatic overrepresentation of same-sex attraction relative to general population estimates, in which roughly nine in ten women are heterosexual. Notably, however, orientation did not differ between onset groups, challenging the traditional male-pattern association in which the early-onset pathway is linked to homosexuality and the late-onset pathway to heterosexuality. The authors suggest that typologies developed for males with gender dysphoria may simply not transfer to females.</p>
<p>The clinical picture also split along onset lines. Early-onset participants reported roughly twice as many diagnosed comorbid psychiatric conditions as their late-onset counterparts, with significantly higher rates of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and panic disorder. They also scored significantly higher on measures of dysphoria severity and anxiety, though the two groups did not differ on depression, stress, or well-being—both scoring in the moderate to extremely severe range across distress measures. The late-onset group was far from symptom-free: 56.9 percent reported at least one comorbid diagnosis, a figure that overlaps with the 62.5 percent reported in the controversial 2018 parent-report study by Lisa Littman that first proposed the rapid-onset gender dysphoria hypothesis. The authors note that this self-reported overlap offers some indirect support for aspects of that hypothesis, while stopping short of endorsing it, given that their data cannot establish whether distress preceded dysphoria or followed it.</p>
<p>Peer relationships offered a notable null finding. Participants reported having approximately two to three transgender or gender-diverse friends before realizing their own dysphoria, with no significant differences between onset groups in the number of friends, online friends, or in-person friends. If the late-onset group were primarily composed of the hypothesized sociogenic cohort driven by peer influence, the authors reason, one would expect them to report more transgender friends prior to onset than the early-onset group. That pattern did not emerge, though the authors caution that the sociogenic hypothesis remains deeply contested and that cross-sectional data cannot resolve questions of causality or directionality.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s limitations are considerable and the authors are candid about them. The sample was a small, uneven convenience sample reliant on retrospective self-report, vulnerable to recall bias—particularly given evidence that distressed and neurotic individuals tend to overestimate negative childhood affect, which could inflate early-onset classification among the most distressed participants. A longitudinal design tracking children from early development into adulthood, ideally with corroboration from parents, teachers, or clinicians, would be needed to firmly establish the temporal relationships the present data can only suggest. Still, the authors argue the findings carry practical implications: clinicians should take careful histories of symptom onset, since onset type may signal different comorbidity profiles, different dysphoria severity, and even different identity trajectories. Most adolescent females experiencing gender dysphoria, the study concludes, report little childhood gender nonconformity, and the assumption that historical clinical patterns observed mostly in males apply to today&#8217;s predominantly female adolescent population is one that future research can no longer afford to make.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Early- versus late-onset gender dysphoria in adolescent and young adult birth-assigned females</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Demographic and Clinical Features of Early-Onset versus Late-Onset Gender Dysphoria Among Adolescent and Young Adult Birth-Assigned Females</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Hammond, H., Walter, E., Daly, M., Morandini, J. S., &amp; Smith, E. (2026). Demographic and Clinical Features of Early-Onset versus Late-Onset Gender Dysphoria Among Adolescent and Young Adult Birth-Assigned Females. <em>Archives of Sexual Behavior</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03571-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03571-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03571-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s10508-026-03571-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender dysphoria, adolescents, late-onset, early-onset, non-binary, transgender, mental health, DSM-5-TR, sexual orientation, comorbidity, Archives of Sexual Behavior, birth-assigned females</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">203280</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Nearly One in Eleven Japanese Adults Identifies as a Sexual or Gender Minority, Landmark Survey Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/nearly-one-in-eleven-japanese-adults-identifies-as-a-sexual-or-gender-minority-landmark-survey-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Phoebe Ingram]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2026 02:41:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bisexual]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[breakdown of LGBTQ+ categories in Japanese population]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[descriptive epidemiology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diversity in sexual orientation and gender identity in Asia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[epidemiological study of sexual orientation and gender identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[first nationally representative study on gender minorities in Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gender identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender-diverse population estimates in Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health disparities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[inverse probability weighting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Japanese sexual and gender minority prevalence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[LGBTQ]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[minority stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national survey]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nationwide survey on LGBTQ+ identities in Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[online survey methodology for sexual orientation research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[public health implications of LGBTQ+ prevalence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[representation of LGBTQ+ individuals in Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sexual and gender minorities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sexual orientation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social and cultural factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[statistical analysis of LGBTQ+ demographics in Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[transgender]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=200952</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The first nationally representative study of its kind in Asia estimates that 8.6 percent of Japanese people aged 15 and older identify as sexual or gender minorities and reveals socioeconomic and health disparities that diverge in key ways from Western findings.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>A first-of-its-kind nationwide study has produced the most rigorous estimate to date of how many people in Japan identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, asexual, or gender-diverse, and the headline number is striking: 8.6 percent of the population aged 15 and older, roughly one in every eleven people, belongs to a sexual or gender minority. The descriptive epidemiological study, published in Archives of Sexual Behavior, analyzed responses from 27,690 eligible participants in a large internet survey conducted between September and October 2022, and it is being hailed as the first nationally representative attempt to quantify sexual orientation and gender identity diversity in Japan or anywhere else in Asia.</p>
<p>The research team, led by Tetsuji Minami of the National Cancer Center Japan alongside collaborators from several Japanese institutions, broke the 8.6 percent figure into distinct categories: 4.9 percent identified as gay or lesbian, 1.1 percent as bisexual, 1.0 percent as asexual or unsure of their attraction, and 1.6 percent as gender-diverse, meaning their current gender identity did not match the sex assigned to them at birth or fell outside the binary altogether. These estimates align with the 7.0 to 16.8 percent range reported in earlier Japanese studies conducted by private companies, government agencies, and sociologists, but earlier efforts suffered from convenience sampling, inadequate statistical adjustment, and narrow cohorts that limited their generalizability. By contrast, the new study calibrated its web-based sample against the Japanese government&#8217;s 2019 Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions using a statistically demanding technique called inverse probability weighting.</p>
<p>The technical machinery behind the estimates deserves attention because it addresses a well-known weakness of internet surveys. Participants were drawn from a panel of 2.3 million people managed by Rakuten Insight, with stratified multistage sampling by age and sex, and a response rate of 65.7 percent among those invited. The researchers then applied two pre-set algorithms to screen out inattentive respondents, or &#8220;satisficers,&#8221; who straight-line their answers or fail directed attention checks, removing 9 percent of the raw sample. Sampling weights were predicted from a logistic regression model comparing the web survey respondents with the census-calibrated national survey, adjusting for area of residence, marital status, education, housing tenure, self-rated health, and smoking status. The resulting inverse probability weights allowed the team to produce population-level estimates with 95 percent confidence intervals, computed with a robust variance estimator, treating the findings explicitly as weighted distributions rather than causal effects, in line with modern descriptive epidemiology frameworks.</p>
<p>Measurement of sexual orientation and gender identity followed the internationally recommended &#8220;two-step approach,&#8221; which asks separately about sex assigned at birth and current gender identity, supplemented by a romantic and sexual attraction item to classify sexual orientation among cisgender respondents. Gender-diverse respondents were deliberately not reclassified by sexual orientation, and the authors caution that the gender-diverse category aggregates heterogeneous subgroups, including transgender, non-binary, and questioning individuals, because the survey instrument could not capture finer self-descriptions. Similarly, respondents who selected neither or unsure on the attraction item were grouped under an inclusive &#8220;asexual cisgender or unsure&#8221; label, an operationalization the authors urge readers to interpret cautiously since it may blend true asexuality with ongoing questioning. Inattentive respondents who reported anything other than male or female for assigned sex at birth were excluded as quality controls, consistent with Japan&#8217;s family register system, and were not intended to exclude minority identities.</p>
<p>Beyond headline prevalence, the study mapped striking demographic and socioeconomic patterns. All sexual and gender minority groups were younger on average than heterosexual respondents, with mean ages of 44.7 years for gay and lesbian participants, 38.3 for bisexual, 40.0 for asexual, and 38.4 for gender-diverse respondents, compared with 48.8 for heterosexual participants, and prevalence was concentrated under age 30. Gay respondents were more often male, while bisexual and asexual respondents were more often female, and gender-diverse respondents were evenly split by assigned sex. Marriage and partnership rates told a more complex story: only 47.7 percent of gay and lesbian respondents and 38.1 percent of gender-diverse respondents were married or partnered, versus 65.1 percent of heterosexual respondents, and a substantial share of gay and lesbian participants reported opposite-sex marriages or partnerships, a pattern the authors link to Confucian family norms emphasizing marriage and procreation, the absence of legal same-sex marriage recognition, and structural stigma.</p>
<p>Socioeconomic disparities emerged with unusual clarity because the national calibration allowed income, education, employment, insurance, and housing comparisons. Lower household equivalent income was more common among minority groups, particularly male sexual minorities and female gender-diverse respondents, and women had lower incomes than men within every category. Educational attainment diverged sharply from Western patterns: whereas studies in the United States and Europe generally find gay and bisexual men more educated than heterosexual men, Japanese gay, lesbian, and bisexual male respondents showed the opposite trend, with heterosexual men most likely to hold degrees. Employment differences also inverted expectations in places, with female sexual minorities more likely to be employed than heterosexual women, plausibly because married Japanese women are often outside the labor force while minority women marry less often. Health insurance coverage was lower among minority respondents of both sexes, and housing tenure varied significantly only among men, with asexual men and lesbian women least likely to own homes.</p>
<p>Health indicators painted a mixed picture that partially contradicts Western literature. Psychological distress, measured with the Kessler-6 scale, was consistently more common among minority respondents of both assigned sexes, echoing minority stress theory, which holds that stigma and marginalization drive mental health disparities. Body mass index patterns were also distinctive: underweight was more common among female minority respondents, while overweight and obesity clustered among male bisexual and asexual respondents and female asexual respondents. Perhaps most surprising, current smoking and habitual drinking showed limited or reversed differences, with minority groups tending to drink less than heterosexual respondents, contrary to consistent findings from England, Canada, and the United States. Substance use other than tobacco and alcohol was higher among minority respondents but remained rare overall. Medical comorbidity did not differ significantly once results were stratified by assigned sex at birth, and self-rated health differences disappeared under stratification, prompting the authors to call for future studies with covariate adjustment and clinical data linkage.</p>
<p>The significance of these findings extends well beyond Japanese borders. Until now, virtually all nationally representative data on sexual and gender minority populations came from Western countries, including the United States, the Netherlands, Sweden, Portugal, Canada, and the United Kingdom, creating a geographic evidence gap the authors argue reflects both research neglect and, in parts of Asia, legal environments where same-sex acts remain criminalized. Japan presents a distinctive hybrid context: same-sex relationships were historically tolerated within certain cultural traditions, cross-national analyses suggest relatively low structural stigma and low non-disclosure, yet Japan remains the only G7 nation without comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation or marriage equality. The study&#8217;s documentation of opposite-sex marriages among gay and lesbian respondents, observed at levels between the low Western figures of 3 to 9 percent and the much higher Chinese figures of 33 to 51 percent, offers rare quantitative grounding for understanding how family norms and legal structures shape minority lives in East Asian settings.</p>
<p>The authors draw direct policy implications from their data. They recommend that national administrative surveys routinely incorporate sexual orientation and gender identity items and household modules that recognize diverse partnership structures, enabling ongoing surveillance of socioeconomic disparities and targeted resource allocation. They call for accessible mental health support and anti-discrimination efforts in schools and workplaces to reduce the psychological burden the Kessler-6 results document, and for longitudinal and panel designs that oversample small subgroups and analyze intersections of age and assigned sex. Acknowledging limitations, including self-reported data, potential social desirability bias, residual web-survey selection bias that weighting could reduce but not eliminate, and the coarse aggregation of gender-diverse subgroups, the team nevertheless positions the work as a foundational step. With an estimated 8.6 percent of Japan&#8217;s population identifying as a sexual or gender minority, the study transforms a population previously invisible in national statistics into a measurable, monitorable constituency whose health and socioeconomic well-being can now be tracked, compared, and protected.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> National estimation of the proportion and characteristics of sexual and gender minorities in Japan using a nationwide cross-sectional internet survey</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Estimation of Sexual and Gender Diversity Among People Aged 15 Years and Older in Japan: A Descriptive Epidemiological Study Using a Nationwide Cross-Sectional Internet Survey</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Minami, T., Inoue, M., Matsushima, M., Yoshioka, T., &amp; Tabuchi, T. (2026). Estimation of Sexual and Gender Diversity Among People Aged 15 Years and Older in Japan: A Descriptive Epidemiological Study Using a Nationwide Cross-Sectional Internet Survey. <em>Archives of Sexual Behavior</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03515-0" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03515-0</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-026-03515-0" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s10508-026-03515-0</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> sexual orientation, gender identity, sexual and gender minorities, Japan, descriptive epidemiology, national survey, LGBTQ, health disparities, minority stress, inverse probability weighting, bisexual, transgender</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">200952</post-id>	</item>
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