The research team, led by Lateef Olutoyin Oluwole and Adetunji Obadeji of the Department of Psychiatry, conducted four focus group discussions with 22 young adults aged 18 to 47 who were receiving treatment for mental and behavioural disorders linked to psychoactive substance use. Seventeen of the participants were male and five female, with a mean age of just over 25 years. Most had tertiary education, a detail that punctures the stereotype of the fraudster as an uneducated dropout. Participants were identified through careful, ethically supervised clinical screening, and only those who had personally disclosed direct or vicarious involvement in internet fraud were included. Sessions lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and were analysed thematically using Braun and Clarke’s established six-step framework, with the research team continuing until data saturation was reached at the fourth discussion.

The scale of the underlying problem is staggering. Recent studies cited by the authors document lifetime psychoactive substance use among Nigerian university students reaching 86 percent, with regional prevalence rates of 44 percent for alcohol, 30 percent for tramadol, between 6 and 16 percent for cannabis, and 11 percent for codeine. More alarming still is the emergence of new psychoactive substances, including synthetic cannabinoids sold under street names such as “Wiz,” “Black Mamba” and “Colorado,” which are marketed through online platforms and local outlets with deceptive labelling and are associated with severe neuropsychiatric effects including psychosis and hallucinations. Against this backdrop, Nigeria’s demographic profile, in which individuals under 35 constitute more than 70 percent of the population, means that the intersection of drug use and cybercrime touches an enormous share of the nation’s future workforce.

What the focus groups revealed is that the relationship between substances and fraud operates through at least three distinct patterns. The first is functional linkage: substances used deliberately to enhance fraudulent performance. Participants described smoking synthetic cannabinoids to stay awake through long nights of online scamming, or using tramadol and cannabis to summon the confidence needed to manipulate victims. “When they use tramadol or loud, it gives them confidence to talk to clients online,” one participant explained. The second pattern is independence, where the two behaviours coexist without direct connection; many participants knew fraudsters who avoided drugs entirely, and drug users with no involvement in fraud. The third, and perhaps most destructive, is bidirectional reinforcement, in which fraud proceeds fund escalating substance use while substances sustain the emotional and physical capacity to continue defrauding victims.

Peer influence emerged as the most consistently cited driver across every discussion group. The researchers frame this through Sutherland’s Differential Association Theory, which holds that deviant behaviour is learned through intimate social interaction. Participants described acquiring not only the technical knowledge of fraud schemes but also the rationalisations that make them acceptable. “If your guy is doing Yahoo and you see him driving Benz, you go want join too,” one speaker said. Crucially, the authors found that peer influence now extends beyond face-to-face networks into mediated channels: Instagram displays of fraud-derived wealth create aspirational models that reach far beyond immediate friendship circles, effectively digitising the social transmission of deviance.

Beneath the peer dynamics lies a structural engine that the researchers interpret through Merton’s Strain Theory. When culturally prescribed goals, financial success, material display, social status, are pursued in a society where legitimate routes such as education and formal employment are systematically blocked, illegitimate pathways become rational choices for some. Participants spoke of poverty as the fundamental push factor and of intense family expectations, particularly on firstborn sons, to provide. “It’s poverty that is pushing them… they want to make it fast,” one participant said. The frustration of educated unemployment, the perception that the system has failed, and the visible rewards of fraud combined to produce what the authors describe as a maladaptive response to the disjuncture between aspiration and opportunity.

Perhaps the most unsettling finding concerns the family and community. Rather than uniformly condemning fraud, participants described a spectrum of parental responses ranging from unknowing enablement to active complicity. Some parents remained silent once money began flowing home; a few reportedly prayed for their sons’ success in fraud; others took their children to traditional healers, or babalawos, for spiritual “fortification” before fraudulent ventures. The authors argue that this cultural ambivalence, a system that simultaneously prohibits and enables, may be more consequential for youth behaviour than either clear condemnation or clear approval, because it creates exploitable ambiguity. Social media, pop culture and the visible material success of “big boys” reinforce the normalisation, with participants noting that fraud is now regarded in many communities as a normal job, morally softened by comparisons such as “not stealing with a gun.”

The biopsychosocial model completes the theoretical triad. Biologically, substances alter brain chemistry in ways that impair judgment and increase impulsivity, effects that may facilitate fraud. Psychologically, substances serve as self-medication for the distress arising from economic pressure, family conflict and the moral tensions of deceiving others. Socially, peer networks supply both the context for use and the normative framework for fraud. The authors stress that these frameworks are complementary rather than competing: strain theory explains the structural pressures, differential association explains how deviant responses are transmitted, and the biopsychosocial model explains how these forces manifest in individual experience.

Yet beneath the bravado and the Benz photographs, the study documents a hidden toll. Despite widespread normalisation, participants consistently reported guilt, remorse, depression, anxiety, sleep disturbance, intrusive thoughts about victims and difficulty forming trusting relationships. “Sometimes it’s hard to sleep, even after making money. The guilt is real,” one speaker admitted. Others described violence and depression when fraud ventures failed. This coexistence of external reward and internal distress, the authors note, complicates simplistic portrayals of “Yahoo boys” as simply immoral; even within deviant subcultures, individuals retain a moral awareness that carries real psychological cost, and young adults with mental health conditions appear significantly more vulnerable to new psychoactive substances, which in turn further impair judgment and increase susceptibility to fraudulent involvement.

The participants themselves offered a roadmap for intervention that the authors endorse: economic empowerment and job creation, parenting and family training programmes that replace punitive discipline with emotional connection, recreational and vocational initiatives, mental health support and mentorship, and faith-based moral reorientation. “If there are jobs or skills training, many won’t do Yahoo or drugs,” one participant said. The researchers caution that their sample, drawn from a single treatment facility in southwestern Nigeria, may limit generalisability, and that the clinical setting could have emphasised pathological aspects of participants’ experiences. Still, the consistency of narratives across groups lends weight to the central conclusion: substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths are not isolated acts of deviance but interconnected maladaptive coping strategies within contexts of structural inequality, demanding integrated, youth-focused responses that address mental health, family dynamics and economic opportunity together rather than treating either crisis alone.

Subject of Research: The psychosocial and cultural drivers linking psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths

Article Title: Psychosocial and cultural dynamics shaping substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths

Article References: Oluwole, L. O., Obadeji, A., Ajiboye, A. S., & Atofarati, M. A. (2026). Psychosocial and cultural dynamics shaping substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths. Discover Mental Health, 6(1), Article 178. https://doi.org/10.1007/s44192-026-00476-7

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s44192-026-00476-7

Keywords: substance use, internet fraud, Yahoo Yahoo, Nigeria, youth, cybercrime, mental health, peer influence, strain theory, new psychoactive substances, qualitative research, cultural normalisation

The scale of the transformation is captured in the official statistics. Before 2014, convictions for drug offences rose slowly, from just 8 cases in 2006 to 128 in 2013. After 2014, every indicator surged. The number of imprisoned accused individuals climbed more than fourteen-fold, from 171 in 2014 to a peak of 2,482 in 2023. Recorded drug consumers rose from 143 to a peak of 1,888 in 2022, while recorded traffickers increased from 28 to 1,070 over the same period, a nearly forty-fold rise that the author interprets as evidence of consolidated organized supply networks. Seizure data tell a parallel story: confiscated drug quantities reached 482,124 kilograms in 2023, and seized pharmaceutical pills exceeded 2.3 million tablets in the same year.

The timing is not coincidental. The study situates the drug surge within a cascade of overlapping shocks that began in 2014: the outbreak of the conflict with ISIS, the arrival of more than three million internally displaced persons and refugees, the suspension of the Kurdistan Region’s federal budget allocation, and a sharp collapse in global oil prices. Together these crises gutted public finances, drove up unemployment and poverty, and weakened the social institutions that normally restrain deviant behavior. The author argues that these structural pressures created conditions conducive both to expanded consumption and to the entrenchment of trafficking networks, transforming the region from a primarily consumer market into a strategic transit and distribution hub linking Iran, Syria and Türkiye.

To capture a phenomenon that is clandestine, stigmatized and imperfectly recorded, the study employed a convergent mixed-methods design. Official records reveal decade-long trends but say little about the individuals behind them; the structured survey of 200 drug consumers and 100 people involved in trafficking documents socioeconomic profiles and behaviors; and 46 semi-structured interviews illuminate the lived mechanisms connecting poverty, addiction and illicit trade. Findings were treated as robust only where at least two independent data streams converged, a triangulation strategy the author says strengthens conclusions that no single source could support.

The survey results sketch a consistent demographic picture. Eighty-two percent of respondents were male, 38 percent were aged 25 to 34, and 56 percent were single. Nearly half were unemployed, 59 percent relied on some form of social assistance, half reported household incomes below 300,000 Iraqi dinars per month, and only 5 percent held a bachelor’s degree or higher. Polydrug use was the norm rather than the exception: 40 percent reported using two to three substances and 36 percent used four to five. Crystal methamphetamine was the most commonly used illicit drug at 69 percent, followed by hashish, marijuana and heroin, while tramadol led the pharmaceutical substances at 59 percent, ahead of diazepam, Trevin, Somadril, clonazepam and Captagon. Roughly 30 percent of respondents were involved in trafficking, and most reported that their drug involvement began with use rather than dealing.

The interviews add texture to these numbers and reveal a recurring trajectory from consumer to trafficker. Economic hardship was the most frequently cited condition, raised by most interviewees, with participants describing prolonged unemployment and the inability to meet family obligations as pressures that pushed them toward drugs as an escape or dealing as a source of rapid income. One 31-year-old man from Erbil explained that after losing his job years earlier, drugs became a way to escape the pressure of daily life. Peer influence emerged as a critical trigger for initiation, with many respondents describing how daily exposure to using friends normalized consumption. Family instability, absent parental supervision and weak emotional support featured prominently, and several traffickers described entering the trade explicitly to finance their own addiction after they could no longer afford it.

Participants were skeptical that policing alone could solve the problem. Some acknowledged that police operations temporarily reduced the visibility of drugs, but most believed enforcement failed to address the underlying social and economic pressures, and many users avoided treatment for fear of stigma and legal consequences. When asked about solutions, interviewees overwhelmingly called for comprehensive responses: job creation, economic support for vulnerable populations, accessible treatment and rehabilitation services, and community-based prevention. As one 32-year-old participant from Sulaimani put it, punishment alone cannot solve the problem; young people need jobs, rehabilitation services and hope for the future.

Theoretically, the study grounds its interpretation in Strain Theory and Social Disorganization Theory. Strain Theory holds that persistent economic stress and blocked legitimate opportunities generate pressure that increases the propensity for substance use and participation in illicit markets, while Social Disorganization Theory emphasizes how weakened institutions, population displacement and family disruption erode informal social control. The author argues that the Kurdistan Region since 2014 exhibits precisely the simultaneous escalation of individual-level economic strain and community-level institutional disorganization that both frameworks identify as conducive to drug problems, and that the frameworks, developed largely in Western urban settings, travel well to this Middle Eastern context of fiscal crisis and mass displacement.

The findings align closely with international evidence. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime independently identifies the Kurdistan Region as a crossroads of regional trafficking routes and documents sharp increases in methamphetamine and Captagon seizures since 2019, exactly the period in which the official series analyzed here accelerate. Iraqi public health authorities report that registered drug use disorders doubled between 2017 and 2021, and the predominance of crystal methamphetamine and misused pharmaceuticals among respondents mirrors the region-wide shift toward synthetic drugs, which are cheaper to produce, easier to conceal and harder to trace than traditional plant-based substances. Where the study diverges from much of the international literature is in its emphasis: rather than foregrounding supply routes and interdiction, it highlights the demand-side conditions of unemployment, income insecurity and family disruption that sustain local consumption and recruit consumers into trafficking.

Although several indicators declined in 2024, the author urges caution in interpretation. The drop may reflect genuine deterrence following intensified anti-narcotics enforcement and regional coordination in 2023 and 2024, or it may be an artifact of recording practices, a consequence of market adaptation toward compact synthetic substances that are harder to detect, or simply a base effect after the exceptional peaks of 2022 and 2023. All levels remain dramatically higher than before 2014. The study also acknowledges its limitations: the survey sample was purposive and composed entirely of drug-involved individuals, so it describes the affected population rather than estimating risk relative to the general population, and the cross-sectional design precludes causal inference.

The policy implications are concrete. The evidence supports targeted employment and vocational training for young men aged 18 to 34, linking cash assistance to reintegration and psychosocial services, expanding treatment capacity as a form of trafficking prevention by interrupting the financial pathway from use to dealing, creating clearer legal distinctions between users and traffickers with confidential treatment routes, and strengthening prescription monitoring for tramadol and benzodiazepines. Above all, the study concludes that enforcement alone is insufficient: sustainable progress requires integrated, multisectoral strategies combining economic empowerment, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and social protection, tailored to a region still recovering from a decade of crisis.

Subject of Research: Socioeconomic correlates and trends of drug abuse and trafficking in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 2014 to 2024

Article Title: Recent trends and socioeconomic correlates of drug abuse and trafficking in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 2014 to 2024

Article References: Othman, A. T. (2026). Recent trends and socioeconomic correlates of drug abuse and trafficking in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 2014 to 2024. Discover Global Society, 4(1), Article 248. https://doi.org/10.1007/s44282-026-00612-2

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s44282-026-00612-2

Keywords: drug abuse, drug trafficking, Kurdistan Region of Iraq, socioeconomic vulnerability, synthetic drugs, methamphetamine, Captagon, tramadol, unemployment, mixed methods, Strain Theory, social disorganization