<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss version="2.0"
	xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/"
	xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/"
	xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"
	xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"
	xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/"
	xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/"
	>

<channel>
	<title>resilience &#8211; Science</title>
	<atom:link href="https://scienmag.com/tag/resilience/feed/" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml" />
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
	<description></description>
	<lastBuildDate>Mon, 14 Sep 2026 21:31:16 +0000</lastBuildDate>
	<language>en-US</language>
	<sy:updatePeriod>
	hourly	</sy:updatePeriod>
	<sy:updateFrequency>
	1	</sy:updateFrequency>
	<generator>https://wordpress.org/?v=7.1.1</generator>

<image>
	<url>https://scienmag.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/cropped-scienmag_ico-32x32.jpg</url>
	<title>resilience &#8211; Science</title>
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
	<width>32</width>
	<height>32</height>
</image> 
<site xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">73899611</site>	<item>
		<title>Nurses&#8217; Disaster Readiness Hinges on Both Hospital Resources and Psychological Strength, Study Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/nurses-disaster-readiness-hinges-on-both-hospital-resources-and-psychological-strength-study-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ophelia Keating]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 14 Sep 2026 21:31:16 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[BMC Nursing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-sectional study]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disaster preparedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disaster response in healthcare settings]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emergency response]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emergency training for nurses]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[factors influencing disaster readiness among nurses]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare system emergency preparedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hospital resources and psychological resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hospital staffing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of hospital environment on emergency preparedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israel healthcare disaster response]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental resilience of nurses during crises]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nurse disaster preparedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nurse readiness for mass-casualty events]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nurses]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[optimism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organizational factors in disaster response]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organizational work environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological capacity of healthcare workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological preparedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trait anxiety]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=201348</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A study of 300 Israeli nurses finds that operational and psychological disaster preparedness are distinct outcomes shaped by different organizational and personal factors.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When disaster strikes, whether an earthquake, a mass-casualty event, or a large-scale epidemic, nurses stand on the front line of the health system&#8217;s response. Yet a new study suggests that whether those nurses are truly ready has as much to do with the psychological makeup of the individual and the daily conditions of the hospital ward as it does with formal emergency training. The research, published in BMC Nursing, offers one of the most detailed pictures yet of how organizational resources and personal psychological capacity jointly shape disaster preparedness among hospital nurses, and it reveals that the two dimensions of readiness, operational and psychological, are driven by surprisingly different factors.</p>
<p>The study was conducted by Omar Afeef Wattad of Assuta Medical Centers and the Emergency Department of Hillel Yaffe Medical Center, together with Merav Ben Natan of Tel Aviv University and the Hillel Yaffe Academic School of Nursing. Between May 2023 and May 2024, the researchers surveyed 300 registered nurses employed at a tertiary medical center in Israel, a country where the health system maintains a high state of alert for emergencies ranging from armed conflict to natural disasters. Participants completed validated self-report questionnaires measuring disaster preparedness, psychological disaster preparedness, the organizational work environment, resilience, optimism, and trait anxiety.</p>
<p>A central conceptual contribution of the work is the distinction it draws between two related but separate constructs. Operational disaster preparedness refers to the practical readiness to perform during an emergency: knowing the protocols, having the technical skills, and being able to function within a coordinated response. Psychological disaster preparedness, by contrast, captures the mental and emotional readiness to face a catastrophic event, including the ability to tolerate stress, anticipate one&#8217;s own emotional reactions, and remain psychologically stable under extreme pressure. The researchers found that the two dimensions were moderately correlated, with a correlation coefficient of 0.56, statistically significant at p less than 0.001. In plain terms, a nurse who feels operationally ready is somewhat more likely to feel psychologically ready, but knowing the drill does not guarantee emotional readiness, and vice versa.</p>
<p>To understand what drives each dimension, the team used descriptive statistics, correlation analyses, and multiple regression models that allowed them to isolate the independent contribution of each variable while controlling for the others. The results were striking. The full model predicting operational disaster preparedness explained 45.4 percent of the variance, a substantial share for a behavioral outcome in a real-world clinical population. Within that model, several factors emerged as positive independent correlates: workplace disaster training, optimism, lower trait anxiety, participation in organizational decision-making, adequate staffing and resources, good collegial nurse-physician relations, and completion of an advanced nursing course.</p>
<p>The picture for psychological preparedness was markedly different. The full model for that outcome explained 45.1 percent of the variance, almost identical in strength, but the predictor pattern diverged in important ways. Age, ward experience, resilience, staffing and resource adequacy, positive nurse-nurse interaction, and male gender were all positive independent correlates of psychological readiness. Most notably, workplace disaster training, which strongly boosted operational preparedness, was a negative correlate of psychological preparedness, and higher trait anxiety also predicted lower psychological readiness. In other words, the very training programs that make nurses technically proficient may, in some circumstances, leave them feeling less emotionally equipped, perhaps by heightening awareness of how overwhelming a real disaster could be.</p>
<p>These findings carry significant implications for how hospitals prepare their nursing workforce. For decades, disaster preparedness programs have concentrated on drills, protocols, and technical competencies, treating readiness as a matter of knowledge and skill. The new data suggest this approach captures only half the picture. A nurse can complete every training module and still feel psychologically unprepared to face mass casualties, and the regression results indicate that psychological readiness depends more on accumulated clinical experience, personal resilience, and the quality of daily working relationships than on formal instruction alone.</p>
<p>The organizational findings are equally consequential. Staffing and resource adequacy appeared as a positive independent correlate of both operational and psychological preparedness, making it the one organizational factor that bridges the two dimensions. This suggests that nurses who feel their ward has enough staff and adequate resources are not only better positioned to execute emergency procedures but also more confident in their own emotional capacity to cope. Participation in decision-making and collegial nurse-physician relations contributed to operational readiness, while nurse-nurse interaction contributed to psychological readiness, indicating that different facets of the professional practice environment matter for different aspects of preparedness.</p>
<p>The psychological variables tell a coherent story of their own. Optimism and lower trait anxiety both independently predicted stronger operational preparedness, while resilience was the standout psychological predictor of psychological preparedness. Trait anxiety, a stable disposition toward experiencing worry and tension, was associated with lower scores on both outcomes, and it appeared as a negative correlate of psychological preparedness even after adjustment. This pattern implies that anxiety management deserves a place alongside clinical skills in disaster education, and that interventions designed to build resilience could pay dividends in nurses&#8217; emotional readiness for catastrophic events.</p>
<p>The demographic findings add further nuance. Older nurses and those with more ward experience reported greater psychological preparedness, consistent with the idea that emotional readiness for disaster is cultivated over time through repeated exposure to demanding clinical situations. The association between male gender and higher psychological preparedness was an independent correlate in the adjusted model, a finding the authors report without overinterpreting. Completion of an advanced nursing course, meanwhile, strengthened operational preparedness specifically, reinforcing the value of continuing professional education for technical readiness.</p>
<p>Taken together, the study argues that nurses&#8217; disaster preparedness is fundamentally multidimensional, reflecting both the resources the organization provides and the psychological capacity each nurse brings to the ward. The authors conclude that interventions should combine adequate staffing and collaborative practice environments with disaster training that explicitly addresses psychological responses, resilience, and anxiety management. As health systems worldwide confront an era of pandemics, climate-driven disasters, and geopolitical instability, the message for hospital leaders is clear: building a genuinely prepared nursing workforce means investing not only in drills and protocols but in the daily working conditions and inner psychological resources that determine whether nurses believe, deep down, that they can face the worst.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Predictors of operational and psychological disaster preparedness among hospital nurses in Israel</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> An integrated predictive model of nurses’ disaster preparedness: the joint role of organizational resources and psychological capacity</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Wattad, O. A., &amp; Natan, M. B. (2026). An integrated predictive model of nurses’ disaster preparedness: the joint role of organizational resources and psychological capacity. <em>BMC Nursing</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12912-026-05264-w" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1186/s12912-026-05264-w</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12912-026-05264-w" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1186/s12912-026-05264-w</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> disaster preparedness, nurses, psychological preparedness, organizational work environment, resilience, trait anxiety, optimism, hospital staffing, emergency response, BMC Nursing, cross-sectional study, Israel</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">201348</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Water Scarcity Emerges as Central Risk in Northern Patagonia&#8217;s Family Farms</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/water-scarcity-emerges-as-central-risk-in-northern-patagonias-family-farms/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Sloane Callahan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2026 02:47:55 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adaptation strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Andes agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cascading environmental risks]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[drought]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[drought impact on small-scale farming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ethnobiological research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ethnobiology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family farmers in Patagonia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family farming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact index]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[interconnected environmental threats]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Local Ecological Knowledge]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[local farmers' perceptions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[local food systems in Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Northern Patagonia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[participatory assessment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[participatory workshops in environmental studies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[socio-environmental change]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[socioecological systems]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[systemic view of environmental challenges]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[water scarcity]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=200988</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A participatory study of family farmers in northern Patagonia reveals water scarcity as the central cascading risk and introduces a locally anchored index for identifying adaptation priorities.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In the arid valleys of northern Patagonia, family farmers are watching their world change faster than at any time in living memory. A new study from researchers at the Ethnobiology Group of INIBIOMA-CONICET at the National University of Comahue reveals that these small-scale producers interpret socio-environmental change through a distinctly systemic lens, with water scarcity emerging as the single organizing concern around which nearly every other threat revolves. The research, published in Environmental Management, offers one of the most detailed local assessments to date of how family farming systems at the edge of the Andes perceive, prioritize, and respond to cascading risks.</p>
<p>Catalina Rico Lenta and Ana Ladio built their study around farmers who sell at the Nahuel Huapi Family Farmers&#8217; Market, a hub of local food production in the Argentinian Andes. Drawing on extensive ethnobiological fieldwork, the researchers organized a participatory workshop in which farmers identified and ranked the Components of Change, or CoC, affecting their productive systems. Rather than treating drought, market pressures, or invasive species as isolated problems, participants described them as interconnected strands of a single web, each capable of triggering consequences that ripple across soils, water, crops, livestock, and household economies.</p>
<p>To translate this systemic local perspective into a measurable framework, the team developed a novel tool: the Locally-Anchored Impact Index, or LAII. The index integrates two dimensions for each Component of Change: the perceived severity of its impact and its degree of interconnectivity within the broader socioecological system. This approach represents a deliberate departure from conventional vulnerability indices that rely solely on external expert judgments or remotely sensed data. By weighting severity with connectivity, the LAII captures the cascading quality of risk, identifying which pressures are most likely to propagate disruption through the entire farming system.</p>
<p>The results are striking. Surface and groundwater flow dynamics and drought emerged as the most influential Components of Change, ranking highest in both perceived severity and interconnectivity. Water, in other words, functions as the central node of the regional risk network. Declining water availability does not merely stress irrigation; it reshapes pasture productivity, soil stability, forest health, fire regimes, and ultimately the viability of the family farm itself. The researchers found that climatic and ecological factors exerted a greater overall impact on the system than socio-economic pressures such as market volatility or land-use change, a finding that underscores how acutely environmental transformation is being felt on the ground.</p>
<p>One of the most consequential discoveries concerns the relationship between the diversity of adaptive practices and the magnitude of local impact. Higher values on the Locally-Anchored Impact Index were associated with a broader repertoire of adaptive responses, suggesting that farmers facing the most interconnected pressures have also developed the richest portfolios of strategies. Climatic Components of Change mobilized the widest range of responses of any category, while ecological and socio-economic pressures elicited distinct, more specialized sets of adaptation practices. This pattern supports a growing body of resilience theory holding that pathway diversity, the availability of multiple viable responses, is a key determinant of a system&#8217;s capacity to absorb disturbance without losing its essential functions.</p>
<p>Adaptation, in this context, is not a modern imposition but an extension of long-standing Local Ecological Knowledge, or LEK. The farmers&#8217; responses are grounded in generations of local learning, experimentation, and knowledge exchange. Ethnobiological research in Patagonia has repeatedly documented how smallholders read animals, birds, and plants as ethno-indicators of environmental change, manage firewood and soil resources with detailed local taxonomies, and maintain agrobiodiversity as a buffer against uncertainty. The new study extends this tradition by showing that knowledge transmission pathways themselves differ according to the type of pressure at hand. Climatic stresses, ecological disturbances, and economic shifts each draw on distinct channels through which practices and insights move between generations and across families.</p>
<p>This finding carries significant implications for how adaptation policy is designed in rural Latin America and beyond. Much of the existing literature on farmer perceptions of climate change treats adaptation as a relatively uniform response to generalized climatic stress. The Patagonian evidence suggests instead that the social architecture of knowledge, who teaches whom, in what settings, and through which relationships, is integral to the adaptive process. Interventions that ignore these pathways risk delivering information in forms that never take root. Conversely, supporting existing knowledge networks, including the market institutions that bring farmers together, may be among the most cost-effective strategies for building regional resilience.</p>
<p>The broader context gives the findings added urgency. Recent research documents rising temperatures and shifting precipitation patterns across the North Patagonian Andes, projections of increasing fire probability under twenty-first-century climate scenarios, and accelerating land-use transformation around protected areas in both Argentina and Chile. Family farming systems in the region sit at the intersection of these pressures, contending simultaneously with a warming and drying climate, fire-driven pine invasions, volcanic ash events such as the 2011 Cordón Caulle eruption, tourism-driven development, and the economic precarity characteristic of smallholder agriculture throughout the Global South. The systemic perspective of local farmers, the study argues, is not folk wisdom to be accommodated but an analytically sophisticated account of precisely these cascading dynamics.</p>
<p>Methodologically, the LAII offers a transferable framework for participatory assessment of socio-environmental change in other regions where smallholder livelihoods depend on intimate knowledge of local ecosystems. Because the index is built from locally perceived severity and interconnectivity, it can be adapted to contexts as varied as Andean altiplano communities, African mountain regions, or Mediterranean watersheds, all places where comparable studies have shown that local knowledge reveals patterns invisible to conventional monitoring. The researchers emphasize that the approach treats family farmers as active agents rather than passive victims of change, in line with contemporary decolonizing currents in ethnobiology that position local communities as co-producers of environmental science.</p>
<p>For the farmers of the Nahuel Huapi basin, the study confirms what their daily experience already teaches: water is the thread that binds every risk together, and the knowledge networks that carry adaptive practices from one family to the next are as vital to survival as any well or canal. For scientists and policymakers, the message is equally clear. Effective adaptation will require tools that measure risk the way the people who live with it actually experience it, as a connected, cascading system in which the fate of a single stream can determine the fate of a farm, a market, and a way of life.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Locally grounded assessment of cascading socio-environmental risks and adaptation in Patagonian family farming systems</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Cascading Socio-environmental Risks In Northern Patagonia: A Locally Anchored Assessment From Family Farming Systems</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Rico Lenta, C., &amp; Ladio, A. (2026). Cascading Socio-environmental Risks In Northern Patagonia: A Locally Anchored Assessment From Family Farming Systems. <em>Environmental Management, 76</em>(9), Article 306. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-026-02619-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-026-02619-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-026-02619-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s00267-026-02619-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> family farming, Northern Patagonia, water scarcity, Local Ecological Knowledge, participatory assessment, socio-environmental change, drought, adaptation strategies, resilience, ethnobiology, impact index, socioecological systems</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">200988</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Childhood Trauma Tied to Psychopathic Traits in Incarcerated Women, but Protective Experiences Face a Harder Test</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/childhood-trauma-tied-to-psychopathic-traits-in-incarcerated-women-but-protective-experiences-face-a-harder-test/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 20:51:34 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Adverse]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Adverse Childhood Experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adverse childhood experiences and behavioral outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[attachment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[buffers against psychopathic traits in at-risk women]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[childhood]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[childhood neglect and household dysfunction in female inmates]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[childhood trauma]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Childhood trauma in incarcerated women]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[developmental trauma and attachment patterns in incarcerated women]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[forensic psychology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender differences in psychopathy development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender-specific pathways to psychopathy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of early adversity on emotional regulation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[incarcerated women]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[influence of positive childhood experiences on criminal behavior]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[moderated moderation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[positive childhood experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[protective childhood experiences and adult attachment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychopathic traits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychopathic traits and impulsivity in women offenders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=198520</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A new study of 164 incarcerated women finds that adverse childhood experiences are linked to the lifestyle and antisocial facets of psychopathy, while positive childhood experiences show a modest protective association that adult attachment dimensions did not moderate.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Women behind prison walls carry some of the heaviest burdens of childhood adversity ever documented in behavioral science. Studies of incarcerated populations have repeatedly found that women who committed crimes report strikingly high rates of adverse childhood experiences, or ACEs, ranging from abuse and neglect to household dysfunction, and these early wounds are linked in adulthood to broken attachment patterns and the emergence of psychopathic traits such as impulsivity and emotional dysregulation. Yet a nagging question has persisted in the research literature: does anything soften that link? A new exploratory study published in the Journal of Child &amp; Adolescent Trauma set out to answer precisely that, testing whether positive childhood experiences and adult attachment dimensions might buffer the relationship between early adversity and psychopathy in a sample of 164 incarcerated women.</p>
<p>The research team, led by Marina Leonor Pinheiro and Olga Cunha of the University of Minho in Portugal, together with Marta Sousa and Rui Abrunhosa Gonçalves, focused on a group that has long been underrepresented in psychopathy research. Most of what scientists know about the developmental roots of psychopathic traits comes from studies of men, even though women constitute a growing share of the incarcerated population and display distinct patterns of offending, trauma exposure, and emotional functioning. Psychopathy itself is not a monolith. Contemporary models, including the widely used four-facet structure, distinguish between an interpersonal facet marked by manipulation and superficial charm, an affective facet defined by shallow emotion and lack of remorse, a lifestyle facet characterized by impulsivity and irresponsibility, and an antisocial facet reflecting a history of rule-breaking and criminal behavior.</p>
<p>Participants in the study, whose average age was just under 39 years, completed a battery of validated self-report instruments. The ACEs Scale captured the accumulated weight of childhood adversity, from physical and emotional abuse to living in a household marked by substance misuse or mental illness. The Benevolent Childhood Experiences Scale, developed specifically to measure the positive side of the developmental ledger, assessed the presence of supportive figures, safe surroundings, and comforting memories that can counterbalance harm. Adult attachment was measured with the Adult Attachment Scale–Revised, which yields three dimensions: anxiety about abandonment, comfort with closeness, and trust in others. Psychopathic traits were assessed with the Self-Report Psychopathy Scale–Short Form, allowing the researchers to examine both total scores and the individual facets separately.</p>
<p>The results confirmed the central association that decades of prior work had predicted. Adverse childhood experiences were positively associated with psychopathic traits overall, and the connection was particularly strong for the lifestyle and antisocial facets, the dimensions most closely tied to impulsive, unstable, and rule-violating behavior. In other words, women who reported more cumulative adversity in childhood were more likely to display the behavioral patterns of psychopathy that contribute directly to criminal careers and institutional misconduct. This facet-specific pattern matters theoretically, because it suggests that early trauma may shape the behavioral expression of psychopathy more powerfully than its emotional or interpersonal core.</p>
<p>Equally revealing was what the researchers found when they turned the lens toward positive childhood experiences. These benevolent early experiences were negatively associated with the lifestyle facet of psychopathy, meaning that women who recalled more supportive and nurturing childhood environments reported lower levels of impulsivity and irresponsibility in adulthood. The finding aligns with a rapidly expanding body of literature on what some researchers have called counter-ACEs, the idea that positive experiences can accumulate their own protective momentum and promote adaptive functioning even in the presence of significant adversity. Prior studies have linked positive childhood experiences to better adult mental health, stronger relationships, and reduced psychopathology across general and justice-involved populations.</p>
<p>But the study&#8217;s most ambitious test, and its most sobering result, concerned the interplay between these early experiences and adult attachment. Drawing on attachment theory, which holds that early caregiver relationships form internal working models that guide close relationships across the lifespan, the researchers hypothesized that the protective effect of positive childhood experiences might depend on a woman&#8217;s adult attachment profile. Secure attachment, characterized by low anxiety, comfort with closeness, and trust in others, could plausibly amplify the benefits of a benevolent childhood, while attachment insecurity could erode them. Using moderated moderation analyses, a statistical technique capable of detecting three-way interactions in which two moderators jointly condition the strength of an association, the team tested this possibility for each attachment dimension.</p>
<p>The verdict was negative. After applying false discovery rate correction, a stringent statistical safeguard against spurious findings when multiple tests are conducted, none of the hypothesized three-way interactions between adverse experiences, positive experiences, and any of the three attachment dimensions reached significance. Attachment anxiety, comfort with closeness, and trust in others did not condition the relationship between childhood adversity and psychopathic traits in this sample. The protective role that the researchers predicted for positive childhood experiences, in other words, was not amplified or diminished by adult attachment patterns among these incarcerated women. The authors interpret this as evidence that the hypothesized buffering mechanism may be more complex than attachment theory alone can explain, or that it may operate differently in forensic populations than in community samples.</p>
<p>The null findings carry real scientific weight. Interaction effects are notoriously difficult to detect and replicate, and recent methodological work has shown that developmental moderation hypotheses often fail to reproduce across cohorts and domains. By reporting their corrected non-significant results transparently, the Portuguese team contributes to a more honest map of where protective factors do and do not matter. The findings suggest instead a simpler picture: adverse and positive childhood experiences each show direct, facet-specific associations with psychopathic traits, and any protective effect of benevolent experiences appears not to hinge on how securely or insecurely these women attach to others as adults. For clinicians working in women&#8217;s prisons, the practical implication is that trauma history remains a critical risk marker, particularly for impulsive and antisocial behavior, while positive childhood experiences may merit attention as an independent, albeit modest, protective signal.</p>
<p>The study also highlights the broader case for trauma-informed care in correctional settings, an approach that recognizes the prevalence of childhood victimization among incarcerated women and integrates that understanding into assessment, treatment, and institutional policy. Because the design was cross-sectional and relied on retrospective self-reports, the researchers caution that causal direction cannot be established and that memory biases may influence reported adversity. The sample, drawn from Portuguese prisons, may not generalize to other cultural contexts. Still, as one of the few studies to examine ACEs, positive childhood experiences, attachment, and psychopathy simultaneously in women, the work opens a clear path forward: longitudinal designs and larger samples will be needed to determine whether benevolent early experiences truly inoculate against psychopathic outcomes, and under what relational conditions that protection takes hold.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> The relationship between adverse childhood experiences and psychopathic traits in incarcerated women, examining the moderating roles of positive childhood experiences and adult attachment.</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Adverse Childhood Experiences and Psychopathic Traits in Women: An Exploratory Study of the Moderating Role of Positive Childhood Experiences and Attachment</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Pinheiro, M. L., Sousa, M., Gonçalves, R. A., &amp; Cunha, O. (2026). Adverse Childhood Experiences and Psychopathic Traits in Women: An Exploratory Study of the Moderating Role of Positive Childhood Experiences and Attachment. <em>Journal of Child &amp;amp; Adolescent Trauma</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s40653-026-00971-7" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s40653-026-00971-7</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s40653-026-00971-7" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s40653-026-00971-7</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> adverse childhood experiences, positive childhood experiences, psychopathic traits, attachment, incarcerated women, childhood trauma, moderated moderation, forensic psychology, Journal of Child &amp; Adolescent Trauma, resilience, Adverse, Childhood</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">198520</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>How Pre-Pandemic Emotion Regulation Shielded Mental Health During COVID-19</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/how-pre-pandemic-emotion-regulation-shielded-mental-health-during-covid-19/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Glenn Wilkins]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 15:19:37 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Psychology & Psychiatry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[anxiety]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Child Psychiatry & Human Development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19 pandemic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19 psychological effects]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[developmental psychopathology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emotion regulation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emotion regulation strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[lifespan risk and resilience factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[long-term stress impact]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[longitudinal study]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health resilience during COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pandemic stress response]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pre-pandemic emotion regulation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[protective factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[protective factors against mental health decline]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychosis-spectrum symptoms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[remote mental health assessment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sleep problems]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[supportive relationships]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth resilience predictors]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=195799</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A prospective study found that youth and young adults with stronger pre-pandemic emotion regulation and supportive family relationships experienced fewer anxiety, psychosis-spectrum, and sleep problems during the COVID-19 crisis.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When the COVID-19 pandemic swept across the globe in early 2020, it did more than disrupt daily routines; it launched one of the largest unplanned stress experiments in modern history. Millions of young people suddenly faced school closures, social isolation, family strain, and an unrelenting sense of uncertainty. Yet while population-level surveys documented rising rates of depression, anxiety, and sleep disturbance, something equally striking became clear: individuals responded very differently to the same crisis. Some deteriorated sharply, while others remained remarkably stable. Understanding why has become one of the central questions in developmental psychopathology, and a new study now offers a rare, prospective answer.</p>
<p>Researchers at the Lifespan Brain Institute of the Children&#8217;s Hospital of Philadelphia and the University of Pennsylvania took advantage of a fortuitous scientific circumstance. Years before the pandemic began, between May 2017 and August 2019, they had administered in-person clinical assessments and resilience questionnaires to a cohort of youth and young adults as part of work developing the Lifespan Risk and Resilience Battery. When the pandemic struck, the team recontacted participants and assessed their mental health remotely between May and August 2020, roughly 21 months after the baseline visits. Because resilience factors were measured before anyone knew a global crisis was coming, the design sidesteps the recall and reverse-causation problems that plague most pandemic-era research.</p>
<p>The analytic sample included 96 participants with a mean baseline age of 19.34 years, ranging from 8 to 29 years old. Fifty-one percent were female and 59 percent identified as People of Color. Critically, the cohort was psychiatrically enriched: 70 percent met criteria for a lifetime or current psychiatric disorder, including schizophrenia spectrum disorders in 15 percent and subthreshold psychosis-spectrum syndromes such as attenuated psychosis syndrome in 36 percent. Thirty percent had no diagnosis. This deliberate clinical heterogeneity meant the researchers could ask whether pre-existing resilience operated across a broad spectrum of psychiatric vulnerability, not merely in healthy community samples where the stakes are lower.</p>
<p>The study focused on two theoretically grounded resilience processes drawn from the 47-item Risk and Resilience Battery. The first was emotion regulation, assessed with five items from the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale Short Form that capture difficulties modulating emotional responses, such as trouble concentrating or controlling behavior when upset. Scores were reverse coded so higher values reflected greater regulatory capacity. The second was supportive close relationships, measured with four items from the Network of Relationships Inventory assessing the perceived quality of close family bonds, including feelings of care, admiration, and stability with parental figures and siblings. These factors were chosen because developmental resilience frameworks, notably Ann Masten&#8217;s account of resilience as ordinary magic arising from interacting intrapersonal and interpersonal systems, position them as distinct yet interconnected regulatory resources.</p>
<p>At follow-up, participants completed brief self-report measures of depression, anxiety, psychosis-spectrum symptoms, and sleep disturbance, including the Patient Health Questionnaire-2, the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7, a five-item PRIME short form, and the Insomnia Severity Index. The analytical strategy was rigorous. Multivariate regression models controlled for age, sex, race, baseline psychotropic medication use, time between visits, and, crucially, corresponding baseline symptom levels, so the findings reflect protection against new or worsening symptoms rather than simple symptom stability. Given the moderate sample size, the team used nonparametric bootstrapping with 5,000 resamples to generate bias-corrected and accelerated 95 percent confidence intervals, treating coefficients as significant only when those intervals excluded zero.</p>
<p>The results were clear and, in places, striking. Higher pre-pandemic emotion regulation predicted lower anxiety during the pandemic (p = .007), fewer psychosis-spectrum symptoms (p = .034), and fewer sleep problems (p = .002). Notably, resilience factors added 6.7 percent of explained variance to the anxiety model beyond covariates and baseline anxiety, a substantial incremental contribution. Supportive close relationships independently predicted fewer sleep problems (p = .022), although they were not associated with depression, anxiety, or psychotic-like experiences. Neither resilience factor related to depressive symptoms, and neither significantly changed the odds of crossing the screening threshold for elevated depression in supplemental logistic analyses. Baseline psychotropic medication use was not a significant predictor in any model.</p>
<p>The transdiagnostic breadth of the emotion regulation finding carries particular weight. Emotion regulation difficulties have long been implicated across depression, anxiety, and psychosis-spectrum conditions, and stress-diathesis models of schizophrenia posit that stress sensitivity and poor coping fuel psychotic-like experiences such as unusual thoughts, suspiciousness, and perceptual disturbances. The new data extend this literature by showing that regulatory capacity measured nearly two years before a chronic stressor predicted symptom levels across affective and psychosis-spectrum domains while that stressor was still unfolding. Mechanistically, the authors argue, emotion regulation likely functions as an upstream regulator of stress reactivity: individuals with stronger regulatory skills can modulate cognitive, affective, and physiological responses to adversity, reducing vulnerability that would otherwise cascade into multiple symptom domains.</p>
<p>The protective link between supportive family relationships and sleep points to a complementary, downstream mechanism. Theoretical accounts of interpersonal co-regulation propose that close relationships stabilize physiological arousal, dampen hypervigilance, and help restore daily rhythms, processes that are especially important for sleep onset and maintenance. The social buffering literature similarly suggests that supportive ties attenuate hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis reactivity and autonomic arousal, both of which disrupt sleep. During lockdowns, when families became the primary source of co-regulatory support, relationships characterized by emotional reassurance and felt security may have helped preserve healthy sleep routines. Because sleep disturbance is itself a transdiagnostic risk factor for mood, anxiety, and psychosis-spectrum conditions, protecting sleep during chronic stress may prevent broader psychiatric cascades.</p>
<p>The authors are careful to note that these two resilience processes probably do not operate in isolation. Supportive relationships may scaffold emotion regulation capacities through co-regulatory exchange, while individual regulatory skills in turn shape relationship quality and stability over time, creating reciprocal feedback between intrapersonal and interpersonal systems. The lifespan perspective of the sample, spanning ages 8 to 29, captures a window in which prefrontal regulatory networks continue maturing and the primary sources of support shift from parents toward peers, although the study was underpowered to formally test developmental moderation. Limitations also include the absence of baseline sleep measurement, differing symptom instruments across waves, unknown medication status at follow-up, and a clinically enriched sample that may limit generalizability to fully community-based populations.</p>
<p>Even with those caveats, the implications are consequential. As pandemics, climate-related disasters, and political instability make large-scale stressors an increasingly recurring feature of modern life, the study argues for investing in resilience before crises arrive rather than scrambling to treat distress afterward. Emotion regulation is demonstrably amenable to intervention: school-based social-emotional learning programs and transdiagnostic cognitive-behavioral and mindfulness-based therapies have been shown to strengthen regulatory skills across diverse populations. Supportive relationships, meanwhile, can be cultivated through family-level interventions that enhance emotional availability and co-regulation. By showing that qualities measured in ordinary times predicted who fared better during extraordinary ones, the Philadelphia team has provided some of the strongest prospective evidence yet that resilience is not a vague abstraction but a set of identifiable, modifiable, and measurable protective processes with the potential to buffer mental health when the next global storm arrives.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Prospective prediction of youth mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic from pre-pandemic emotion regulation and supportive close relationships</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Pre-Pandemic Emotion Regulation and Supportive Relationships as Protective Factors Across Development: Prospective Prediction of Mental Health During the COVID-19 Pandemic</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Kim, I. A., Ered, A., Himes, M. M., Gur, R. E., Rush, S., Moore, T. M., Barzilay, R., Calkins, M. E., &amp; White, L. K. (2026). Pre-Pandemic Emotion Regulation and Supportive Relationships as Protective Factors Across Development: Prospective Prediction of Mental Health During the COVID-19 Pandemic. <em>Child Psychiatry &amp;amp; Human Development</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10578-026-02086-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s10578-026-02086-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10578-026-02086-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s10578-026-02086-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> emotion regulation, resilience, COVID-19 pandemic, mental health, supportive relationships, sleep problems, anxiety, psychosis-spectrum symptoms, youth development, protective factors, longitudinal study, Child Psychiatry &amp; Human Development</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">195799</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Resilience Linked to Lower Risk of Internet Gaming Disorder, Meta-Analysis Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/resilience-linked-to-lower-risk-of-internet-gaming-disorder-meta-analysis-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Glenn Wilkins]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 13:58:37 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adolescent gaming behavior]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adolescents]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[behavioural addiction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coping strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gaming Disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gaming disorder prevention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global prevalence of gaming disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[I-PACE model]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[internet gaming disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health and video games]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[meta-analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[meta-analysis on gaming disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[predictors of gaming disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[prevention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological factors in gaming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience and gaming addiction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience as protective factor]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[self-regulation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[systematic review of gaming disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[young adult gaming habits]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=194903</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A meta-analysis of 14 studies and nearly 80,000 participants finds that higher psychological resilience is consistently associated with lower internet gaming disorder symptomatology.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Video games are now one of the most widespread leisure activities on the planet, played by billions of people and woven deeply into the social lives of adolescents and young adults. For the vast majority of players, gaming remains a healthy pastime. Yet a meaningful minority develop persistent, dysregulated patterns of play that cause clinically significant impairment—a condition the American Psychiatric Association flagged in the DSM-5 as internet gaming disorder (IGD) and which the World Health Organization formalized as gaming disorder in the ICD-11. A new meta-analysis published in the International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction now offers the first quantitative synthesis of how one key psychological resource—resilience—relates to this increasingly diagnosed condition, and the results carry weight for prevention efforts worldwide.</p>
<p>The study, led by Sergio Hidalgo-Fuentes of the Universitat de València together with Isabel Martínez-Álvarez and Elisa González-Pérez of the Universidad a Distancia de Madrid, pooled data from 14 studies encompassing 15 independent samples and a remarkable 79,760 participants. Following PRISMA guidelines and registered in PROSPERO, the researchers systematically searched PsycINFO, Scopus, PubMed, and Web of Science in February 2026. Their central finding: resilience and IGD symptomatology show a statistically significant, moderately negative correlation of r = −.24 (95% CI [−.29, −.20]). In plain terms, individuals who report higher resilience consistently report fewer symptoms of problematic gaming—and every single study included in the analysis reported a negative correlation, with effect sizes ranging from −.11 to −.46.</p>
<p>Resilience, broadly defined as the capacity to maintain or regain psychological equilibrium in the face of adversity, has long been recognized as a protective factor against addictive behaviours ranging from substance abuse to problematic internet use. But the construct itself is anything but simple. The literature distinguishes three complementary perspectives: resilience as a relatively stable personality trait marked by perseverance, emotional stability, and optimism; resilience as a dynamic, context-dependent process emerging from ongoing person–environment interactions; and resilience as a successful outcome despite significant adversity. These conceptual differences matter, because they shape how resilience is measured—and, as this meta-analysis reveals, how it is measured turns out to influence the size of its apparent relationship with IGD.</p>
<p>The measurement question proved to be the study&#8217;s most striking methodological insight. Among all the moderating variables examined, only the resilience assessment instrument significantly influenced the strength of the association, explaining 56.23% of the between-study variance. Instruments such as the Connor–Davidson Resilience Scale conceptualize resilience as a multidimensional trait reflecting personal competence and stress tolerance, while the Brief Resilience Scale focuses narrowly on the ability to &#8220;bounce back&#8221; from stressful situations. Because these tools capture partially distinct facets of the construct, the authors argue, they should not be treated as interchangeable—a caution with real consequences for how future studies of gaming disorder are designed and compared.</p>
<p>The theoretical framework underlying the findings is the I-PACE model—Interaction of Person–Affect–Cognition–Execution—one of the most influential accounts of behavioural addictions. According to this model, technology-related disorders arise from the interplay of personal vulnerabilities, dysfunctional affective states, biased cognitive processes, and deficits in executive functioning. Resilience, on this view, operates as a transversal personal resource: it buffers the emotional impact of stress, moderates gaming-related expectations of escape and reward, and supports inhibitory control, thereby reducing the likelihood that gaming becomes a vehicle for emotional regulation. This is especially pertinent for adolescents, whose heightened neuropsychological sensitivity to immediate rewards and immature inhibitory control help explain their overrepresentation in IGD epidemiology.</p>
<p>Complementary frameworks reinforce the same picture. The Self-Medication Hypothesis proposes that addictive behaviours emerge as maladaptive strategies for regulating psychological distress; from this angle, individuals with lower resilience may turn to gaming precisely because they lack more adaptive coping resources. Neuroscientific work by Ersche and colleagues suggests that dysfunction in self-regulation circuitry may underlie vulnerability to addiction, with resilient individuals partially compensating for reduced inhibitory control. Consistent with these accounts, prior studies have linked low resilience not only to greater IGD risk but also to more severe depression, stress, and difficulties with emotional regulation among young people.</p>
<p>The meta-analysis was not without statistical caveats. Heterogeneity was substantial—Cochran&#8217;s Q reached 144.09 with an I² of 95.20%—indicating that while the direction of the association was universal, its magnitude varied widely across studies. The prediction interval of −.40 to −.07 suggests future studies could observe effects anywhere in that range. Yet sensitivity analyses confirmed robustness: a leave-one-out procedure showed pooled estimates fluctuating only between r = −.24 and r = −.25 regardless of which study was excluded. Publication bias was also assessed through funnel plots, Egger&#8217;s regression test, and the Begg and Mazumdar rank correlation test; despite slight visual asymmetry, both statistical tests were non-significant, allowing the authors to reasonably dismiss publication bias.</p>
<p>The evidence base itself has clear demographic contours. Most included studies were conducted in Asia (57.14%), followed by Middle Eastern countries (28.57%) and Europe (14.29%), with all employing cross-sectional designs published between 2019 and 2025. Participants were predominantly adolescents and young adults, with mean ages ranging from 12.84 to 25.57 years, and sample sizes spanning from 71 to an extraordinary 50,855 individuals. The Internet Gaming Disorder Scale–Short Form dominated IGD assessment. Older adults, clinical populations, and non-student gamers remain markedly underrepresented, and the authors stress that the pooled estimate should be read as an average association rather than a uniform effect across all populations. Language restrictions to English and Spanish and exclusive reliance on self-report measures—which may inflate associations through shared method variance and social desirability—add further interpretive caution.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most important limitation is the field&#8217;s oldest problem: correlation is not causation. Because every included study was cross-sectional, the meta-analysis cannot determine whether low resilience drives gaming disorder, whether persistent gaming erodes resilience through sleep disruption, social withdrawal, and disengagement from adaptive activities, or whether both dynamics operate simultaneously. The authors call explicitly for longitudinal and experimental research to clarify temporal ordering and to test whether resilience-enhancing interventions actually reduce IGD symptoms. Prior meta-analytic evidence shows resilience interventions can improve mental health and adaptive coping among students, but whether those benefits translate into reduced problematic gaming remains an open question.</p>
<p>Even with those constraints, the practical implications are significant. Effects of this magnitude are typical for psychological risk and protective factors and can be meaningfully consequential at the population level. The findings argue for embedding resilience-building strategies—emotion regulation training, adaptive coping skills, stress management—into school-based and community prevention programmes targeting adolescents and young adults, the demographic where IGD prevalence climbs to 4–10% or higher and where East Asian estimates reach roughly 6%. For a disorder formally recognized by both major psychiatric classification systems, this synthesis provides researchers and clinicians with something they previously lacked: a rigorously quantified, robust, and bias-checked estimate of how psychological resilience relates to problematic gaming, along with a clear roadmap for the longitudinal, cross-cultural, and clinical work that must follow before causality can be claimed.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> The relationship between psychological resilience and internet gaming disorder, quantified through meta-analysis.</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> The Association Between Internet Gaming Disorder and Resilience: A Meta-Analysis</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Hidalgo-Fuentes, S., Martínez-Álvarez, I., &amp; González-Pérez, E. (2026). The Association Between Internet Gaming Disorder and Resilience: A Meta-Analysis. <em>International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-026-01715-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-026-01715-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-026-01715-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s11469-026-01715-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> internet gaming disorder, resilience, meta-analysis, behavioural addiction, adolescents, mental health, I-PACE model, gaming disorder, coping strategies, prevention, psychology, self-regulation</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">194903</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Social Circles Determine Whether Communication Skills Curb Youth Aggression</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/social-circles-determine-whether-communication-skills-curb-youth-aggression/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 12:50:12 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[aggression]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[communication skills]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[community supervision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[community supervision youth outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[delinquent peer effects]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[delinquent peers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diversity in juvenile justice research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effectiveness of communication skills training]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[importance of social circles in youth development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[justice-involved youth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[juvenile justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[juvenile justice and social network dynamics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[juvenile justice system]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[large-scale juvenile justice data analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mentoring]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peer influence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[prosocial peer influence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[prosocial peers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social circles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social environment impact on youth rehabilitation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social learning theory]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth aggression prevention strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth communication skills and aggression]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=194463</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A study of over 15,000 justice-involved youth finds that communication skills reduce aggression most effectively when young people are embedded in prosocial peer and adult networks.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>A groundbreaking study of more than 15,000 justice-involved youth has revealed a striking truth about rehabilitation: teaching young people better communication skills only works when their social environment lets those skills take root. The research, published in the American Journal of Criminal Justice by Lin Liu of Temple University&#8217;s Department of Criminal Justice, analyzed statewide case-level data from youth under community supervision and found that while advanced communication skills are indeed linked to lower aggression, the size of that protective effect depends heavily on the company these young people keep. For youth surrounded by delinquent peers, or those with no close friends at all, the benefits of strong communication skills were dramatically diminished compared to peers embedded in prosocial circles.</p>
<p>The scale of the dataset sets this study apart from much of the existing literature. Liu examined records of 15,077 youth under community supervision, a sample that was 49 percent Black, 16 percent Hispanic, and 16 percent female. Such a large, diverse sample allowed the researcher to detect patterns that smaller studies of incarcerated or clinical populations might miss. The participants were drawn from a statewide juvenile justice system, meaning the findings reflect the everyday realities of youth living at home, attending school, and navigating their neighborhoods while under supervision, rather than the artificial conditions of residential facilities.</p>
<p>Methodologically, the study employed multivariate logistic regression alongside marginal effect analyses, a combination that lets researchers estimate not just whether an association exists but how large it is across different subgroups. Crucially, Liu controlled for a battery of potential confounders that could otherwise masquerade as skill effects: childhood abuse, neglect, exposure to violence, substance use, impulsivity, and delinquent history. This matters because justice-involved youth frequently carry heavy burdens of adverse childhood experiences, and failing to account for them could distort any estimate of how communication skills operate. By holding these factors constant, the analysis isolates the specific contribution of interpersonal competence and its interaction with social context.</p>
<p>The central finding is both intuitive and radical. Communication skills did significantly reduce aggression across the sample, confirming decades of research linking verbal and social competence to lower rates of hostile and violent behavior. But the magnitude of that reduction was not uniform. Youth who primarily associated with delinquent peers, or who reported having no close friends, saw substantially weaker protective benefits than those embedded in prosocial peer groups. In other words, a skill that acts like a shield in one social environment can behave like a modest filter in another. The protective power of communication is not a fixed property of the individual but a property of the individual-in-context.</p>
<p>This interaction effect has deep theoretical roots. Social learning theory has long argued that behavior is learned and reinforced within networks of significant others, meaning that deviant peer groups can actively reward aggression and punish conciliatory communication. Ecological models of human development similarly hold that individual competencies only translate into outcomes when the surrounding microsystems support them. The new findings give these classic frameworks a sharp, quantitative edge: they demonstrate empirically that individual-level protective factors require compatible social contexts to achieve their optimal impact. A teenager may possess excellent conflict-resolution abilities, but if every social cue in their circle signals that toughness pays and de-escalation is weakness, those abilities may rarely be deployed.</p>
<p>The role of social isolation emerged as equally consequential. Youth with no close friends experienced diminished benefits from their communication skills, a finding that aligns with a growing body of research on loneliness and social threat. Lonely children show heightened hypervigilance for social rejection, and adolescents without friendships lose the everyday practice ground where communication skills are typically refined and reinforced. Skills that go unused can atrophy, and in the absence of trusted peers, even well-developed verbal abilities may not translate into de-escalated conflicts. For youth professionals, this suggests that simply assessing a young person&#8217;s skills tells only half the story; mapping their social world is equally essential.</p>
<p>Beyond peers, the study found that engagement with prosocial nonparental adults also moderated the relationship between communication skills and aggression. Mentors, coaches, teachers, and other caring adults appear to provide an audience and reinforcement structure in which skilled communication is valued and rewarded. This finding carries practical weight for juvenile justice systems, which often emphasize family engagement but may overlook the developmental importance of nonparental prosocial ties during adolescence, a life stage when youth naturally orient toward people outside the home. Programs that deliberately connect supervised youth with committed adults may therefore amplify the returns on any skills-based intervention they deliver.</p>
<p>The implications for intervention design are profound. Aggression replacement training and related curricula, which teach prosocial skills to aggressive youth, have shown mixed results across settings, and this study offers a compelling explanation for that inconsistency: skills taught in isolation from environmental change may not survive contact with delinquent peer networks. Liu&#8217;s conclusion is that communication-skills training should be explicitly paired with efforts to expand youths&#8217; access to prosocial peers, adults, and structured activities. Doing so creates the reinforcement ecosystem in which newly learned behaviors can be practiced, rewarded, and consolidated, rather than extinguished the moment a young person returns to their usual circle.</p>
<p>For juvenile justice policy, the findings argue against one-size-fits-all supervision. Case plans that focus exclusively on individual deficits, such as poor communication or impulsivity, may systematically underperform, particularly for the large share of supervised youth whose social networks are dominated by delinquent peers or marked by isolation. The data suggest a dual-track approach: build the skill and build the setting. Structured prosocial activities, mentorship programs, and deliberate peer-network interventions become not optional extras but core components of effective aggression reduction among high-risk youth. Systems that ignore the environmental half of the equation may be spending resources on skills that never get the chance to work.</p>
<p>The study also carries a message about resilience that resonates far beyond the juvenile justice system. Human capabilities are context-dependent, and the environments young people inhabit can either amplify or mute the protective factors they carry within them. For the thousands of justice-involved youth striving to desist from aggression, the path forward is not only internal transformation but external opportunity, the chance to belong to circles where better communication is met with connection rather than contempt. As this research demonstrates, skills need compatible environments to take root, and society&#8217;s willingness to cultivate those environments may determine whether its most vulnerable young people flourish or falter.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> How social circles moderate the effect of communication skills on aggression among justice-involved youth</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Skills Need Compatible Environments to Take Root: How Social Circles Shape the Effects of Communication Skills on Aggression Among Justice-involved Youth</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Liu, L. (2026). Skills Need Compatible Environments to Take Root: How Social Circles Shape the Effects of Communication Skills on Aggression Among Justice-involved Youth. <em>American Journal of Criminal Justice</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12103-026-09942-y" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s12103-026-09942-y</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12103-026-09942-y" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s12103-026-09942-y</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> justice-involved youth, communication skills, aggression, delinquent peers, prosocial peers, social circles, juvenile justice, community supervision, mentoring, social learning theory, peer influence, resilience</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">194463</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Older Adults Leaned on Coping Strategies to Endure COVID-19 Stress, Iranian Study Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/older-adults-leaned-on-coping-strategies-to-endure-covid-19-stress-iranian-study-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ophelia Keating]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 12:50:09 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[age-related differences in pandemic coping mechanisms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coping strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coping tactics for older adults facing health crises]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19 stress coping strategies in older adults]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-sectional research on elderly stress responses]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[emotion-focused vs problem-focused coping in older adults]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[escape-avoidance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gerontology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of social isolation on elderly mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[influence of personal and social factors on elderly coping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iranian study on elderly stress management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[living alone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[marital status]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health interventions for seniors during pandemics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[older adults]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[problem-focused coping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological resilience among seniors during pandemic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[role of social support in elderly well-being during COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social support]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stress]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=194459</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A cross-sectional study of 412 older adults in western Iran found that half frequently experienced COVID-19-related stress and that unpartnered, solo-living elders relied more on escape-avoidance coping while married participants favored problem-focused strategies.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When the COVID-19 pandemic swept across the globe, few groups faced a heavier combination of biological risk and psychological strain than older adults. They were repeatedly told they were the most likely to die if infected, yet they were also asked to isolate from the family members and friends who anchored their daily lives. A new cross-sectional study of 412 community-dwelling older adults in western Iran, published in Ageing International, offers one of the most detailed portraits to date of how this population actually responded to that dual burden, documenting both the stress they carried and the coping strategies they deployed to manage it.</p>
<p>The research team, led by investigators affiliated with Tabriz University of Medical Sciences and several other Iranian institutions, set out to examine which coping strategies older adults used during the pandemic and which personal and social factors were associated with those choices. Participants completed the Coping Strategies Questionnaire, a validated instrument that distinguishes between emotion-focused strategies, which regulate the distress generated by a stressor, and problem-focused strategies, which attempt to change the stressor itself. The questionnaire also captures specific tactics within those broad families, including escape-avoidance, positive reappraisal, seeking social support, and planned problem-solving. Alongside the coping measure, respondents answered a socio-economic and health information questionnaire that allowed the researchers to connect coping patterns to marital status, living arrangement, sex, and other characteristics.</p>
<p>The results confirm that the pandemic placed a substantial psychological load on this population. Roughly half of the participants, 50.5 percent, reported frequently experiencing COVID-19-related stress, and 42 percent said they sometimes felt anxious about contracting the disease. These figures align with a broader international literature showing elevated anxiety and distress among older people during the crisis, but they also complicate the stereotype of the frazzled elderly: a majority of respondents were not in constant distress, and their day-to-day behavior suggested a striking degree of practical resilience. Adherence to preventive measures was high, with 87.1 percent reporting mask use and 84.7 percent reporting vaccination, rates that indicate most older adults in the sample translated their concern about infection into concrete protective action.</p>
<p>On the central question of coping style, the data show a modest but consistent tilt toward emotion-focused strategies. Participants scored higher on emotion-focused coping overall, with a mean of 25.88 plus or minus 9.23, than on problem-focused coping, which averaged 24.63 plus or minus 10.18. Within the emotion-focused domain, escape-avoidance was the most commonly used single strategy, at 8.38 plus or minus 2.91, suggesting that many older adults managed pandemic stress primarily by distancing themselves mentally from the threat rather than by confronting it directly. Within the problem-focused domain, positive reappraisal was the most frequent tactic, at 7.65 plus or minus 3.42, indicating that a substantial share of respondents worked to reframe the crisis in more constructive terms, finding meaning or silver linings in an otherwise threatening situation.</p>
<p>The demographic patterns embedded in these averages are arguably the study&#8217;s most actionable contribution. Women reported significantly greater use of problem-focused coping strategies than men, a difference that reached statistical significance at p below 0.05. This finding runs counter to some older research traditions that associated emotion-oriented coping with women and problem-solving with men, and it suggests that in this Iranian sample, women were more likely to take active, instrumental steps to manage the pandemic&#8217;s demands. The authors note that such differences may reflect gendered patterns of responsibility for household and family welfare, which can push women toward practical engagement with problems even under severe constraints.</p>
<p>Marital status and living arrangement emerged as even sharper dividing lines. Older adults without a spouse and those living alone reported significantly greater use of escape-avoidance coping, with differences reaching p of 0.001 or better. In contrast, participants who had a spouse reported greater use of problem-focused coping overall, along with more frequent seeking of social support and planned problem-solving, all at p below 0.05. The interpretation offered by the researchers is straightforward: a spouse functions as both a practical collaborator and an emotional resource, making it easier to approach problems directly and to draw on shared social networks. An older adult living alone, lacking that immediate partner, may retreat into avoidance as the only readily available means of managing overwhelming stress. This resonates with earlier findings from the coping literature, including systematic reviews linking loneliness to less adaptive coping strategies, and with pandemic-era studies in Switzerland and the Netherlands showing that the quality of social relationships strongly shaped older adults&#8217; well-being during lockdowns.</p>
<p>The theoretical framing of the study draws on the classic transactional model of stress and coping developed by Lazarus and Folkman, which holds that coping outcomes depend on the appraisal of a threat and the resources a person can mobilize against it. Seen through that lens, the elevated escape-avoidance among unpartnered and solo-living elders is not simply a character trait but a signal of depleted coping resources. When a stressor such as a lethal pandemic cannot be escaped physically, and when the social scaffolding for problem-solving is thin, avoidance becomes a default regulatory strategy. The authors argue that the reverse pattern among married participants, who leaned on social support seeking and planned problem-solving, demonstrates how embeddedness in a supportive relationship can convert passive worry into active management.</p>
<p>The findings carry practical weight for public health planning. The researchers conclude that social and living conditions appeared to shape coping patterns among older adults, and they recommend strengthening problem-focused coping strategies as a route to better psychological well-being in future public health crises. In concrete terms, that could mean interventions that pair isolated older adults with trained peers or volunteers, programs that teach reappraisal and structured problem-solving skills, and outreach systems that identify solo-living elders as a priority group for psychological support during emergencies. Because most participants already adhered to masks and vaccination, the unmet need is less about convincing older adults to protect themselves and more about equipping them, especially the unpartnered, with cognitive and social tools to carry the psychological weight of a prolonged crisis.</p>
<p>The study also has limitations worth keeping in view. Its cross-sectional design captures a single moment and cannot establish whether coping strategies caused differences in distress or vice versa. The sample was drawn from community-dwelling older adults in western Iran, so the findings may not generalize to institutionalized elders or to other cultural settings, and the Coping Strategies Questionnaire, while validated in Persian in prior psychometric work, relies on self-report that can be shaped by social desirability. Nevertheless, by documenting who used which strategies at scale, the study adds an important piece to the emerging global picture of pandemic resilience in later life. It suggests that resilience among older adults is not an innate trait distributed evenly across the population, but a capacity that depends heavily on relationships, living circumstances, and the availability of social support. As health systems prepare for future epidemics in aging societies, that message may prove to be the study&#8217;s most enduring legacy: protecting the mental health of older adults requires protecting the social connections that make adaptive coping possible.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Coping strategies and associated factors among Iranian older adults during the COVID-19 pandemic</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Resilience in the Face of Risk: How Older Adults Coped with COVID-19 pandemic</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Matlabi, H., Abdoli, F., Ahmadi, S., Valiee, S., &amp; Ahmadi, A. (2026). Resilience in the Face of Risk: How Older Adults Coped with COVID-19 pandemic. <em>Ageing International, 51</em>(3), Article 35. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12126-026-09677-5" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s12126-026-09677-5</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12126-026-09677-5" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s12126-026-09677-5</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> COVID-19, older adults, coping strategies, stress, resilience, escape-avoidance, problem-focused coping, social support, marital status, living alone, gerontology, mental health</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">194459</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Five Goals and Twelve Rules Could Decide the Fate of Coral Reefs</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/five-goals-and-twelve-rules-could-decide-the-fate-of-coral-reefs/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Violet Maxwell]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 12:26:59 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Earth Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adaptive management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[climate change]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Community Engagement.]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[community-based marine stewardship]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conservation finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coral reef conservation strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coral reef resilience and recovery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coral reef restoration goals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coral reefs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ecosystem-based management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effective coral reef protection frameworks]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fisheries Management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global coral reef threats]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Indigenous-led marine conservation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[marine conservation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Marine Protected Areas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Marine Spatial Planning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[policy and regulation for reef conservation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[preventing habitat destruction in coral ecosystems]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reef science and management integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[scalable reef management practices]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainable tourism impact on reefs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Water pollution]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=194131</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A new perspective in Coral Reefs distills four decades of experience into five objectives and twelve principles for saving coral reefs and other tropical marine ecosystems.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Coral reefs are losing ground at a pace that no conservation program has yet managed to match, and a new perspective article argues that the problem is not a shortage of good ideas but a failure to apply them together, at scale, and with urgency. Writing in the journal Coral Reefs, Laurence McCook of James Cook University, Hasanuddin University, and Seneca Impact Advisors distills four decades of reef science and hands-on management experience into a practical framework built on five objectives and twelve principles. The framework draws on published research, grey literature, and the lived expertise of scientists, village elders, and Indigenous stewards across the Great Barrier Reef, the Caribbean, the Pacific, Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean, and Chinese reefs. Its central claim is deceptively simple: conservation succeeds when managers know exactly what outcomes are required, and just as deliberately, how the process of achieving them is carried out.</p>
<p>The five objectives define what must be achieved to protect the structure and function of tropical marine ecosystems. The first is to minimise, prevent, or restore direct physical destruction of habitats, whether from mining, dredging, dredge spoil disposal, destructive fishing, ship groundings, or careless tourism. Prevention demands rigorous planning, regulation, and risk assessment, and can be reinforced with incentive-based tools such as fixed-site tourism permits that give operators a financial stake in stewardship. The second objective is to establish marine protected areas, and especially no-take reserves, so that a substantial and representative share of the seascape is shielded from extractive and damaging activities. Evidence shows these reserves accumulate more and larger fish, which contribute disproportionately to reproduction and even subsidise adjacent fished areas through larval export, benefits documented from village scales to entire regions.</p>
<p>The technical details of reserve design matter enormously. McCook cites a widely used rule of thumb that networks should protect a minimum of 20 percent of each biological habitat type and at least 30 percent of the overall area, figures he frames as precautionary minimums rather than ambitious targets, since higher proportions provide greater insurance against climate stress. Networks designed around larval connectivity, with inter-reserve distances of roughly 10 to 30 kilometres or less, deliver greater regional resilience than isolated patches of protection. The third objective extends management beyond reserve boundaries: fishing and hunting must be managed across the whole region to safeguard not only target stocks but also habitats, food webs, and by-catch species. Key strategies include bans on explosive and cyanide fishing and on bottom-trawling over biogenic habitats, protection of spawning aggregations and ecologically critical herbivores, size limits that secure adequate reproduction, strongly precautionary harvest quotas, and especially cautious limits on long-lived, slow-reproducing megafauna such as cetaceans, dugongs, turtles, sharks, and rays.</p>
<p>The fourth objective confronts water pollution, particularly land-based runoff. Nutrients, sediments, agricultural pesticides, industrial chemicals, and plastics all degrade the capacity of corals, seagrasses, and mangroves to survive, grow, reproduce, and maintain the habitat structure on which countless species depend. Effective responses begin with identifying the critical pollutants and their sources, then reducing inputs through improved agricultural practices, vegetation management, and sewage treatment. McCook notes that while plastic pollution rightly commands attention, it must not crowd out the broader water quality agenda, and he warns that where poor water quality caused reef decline in the first place, cleaning it up is generally a necessary precondition before any coral restoration effort can succeed. The fifth objective addresses climate change through two complementary strategies: mitigation, meaning urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, and adaptation, meaning maximisation of ecosystem resilience by reducing all other local pressures. Because some climate impacts are now locked in, the article argues that managers will increasingly need active interventions such as coral transplantation, assisted evolution, heat-tolerant genotypes, targeted protection of functional groups, and control of pest species. Critically, these innovations are complements, not substitutes, and will deliver lasting large-scale benefits only once climate change is stabilised.</p>
<p>The twelve principles describe how to pursue those objectives effectively and sustainably, grouped into four categories: people and context, concepts and frameworks for good management, knowledge governance and finance, and solutions. The first principle holds that the goal is sustainable benefits for both biodiversity and people, a framing that requires actively dismantling the widespread people-versus-nature narrative. The economic stakes are substantial: the Great Barrier Reef alone supports approximately 9 billion Australian dollars in annual economic activity and around 77,000 jobs, yet most ecosystem services remain invisible in conventional accounting. The second principle insists that community engagement and stewardship are essential, not optional. Without community support, conservation measures tend to be poorly designed and undermined by weak compliance. Genuine engagement is also an ethical necessity, must proactively include women, whose knowledge and roles in the value chain are often distinct, and must be culturally sensitive and respectful of customary governance when working with Indigenous and First Nation communities. The third principle counsels learning from global experience while adapting every action to local biogeography, economics, culture, and governance.</p>
<p>The management frameworks category draws on established, internationally accepted tools. Integrated Coastal Zone Management coordinates action across land-sea boundaries; Ecosystem-Based Management addresses whole-ecosystem processes rather than isolated patches or activities; and Marine Spatial Planning, now completed or underway in more than 70 countries, provides a transparent, accountable process for allocating human activities across the sea. A further principle demands that cumulative impacts be managed through a net-benefit policy built on a strict hierarchy of avoiding, then mitigating, then offsetting harm, because avoidance is consistently cheaper and more effective than compensation. Without robust governance, however, offset schemes risk degenerating into greenwashing. Uncertainty is handled through precautionary and adaptive management: where threats of serious or irreversible damage exist, lack of full scientific certainty is no excuse for inaction, and monitoring must feed directly into adjusted management. McCook observes, pointedly, that many reef monitoring programmes do little more than document ongoing decline because the feedback step of actually changing management is the weakest link in the cycle.</p>
<p>Resilience, both ecological and socioeconomic, is the seventh principle. Healthy reefs with good water quality, abundant herbivorous fishes and urchins, and strong larval connectivity recover quickly from storms and bleaching; disrupt any of these factors and recovery stalls. Ecological and social resilience are deeply intertwined, since the same reefs that shelter biodiversity also protect coastal settlements from storm damage and sustain tourism and fisheries. On knowledge, the eighth principle calls for the best available science, especially social and economic evidence, while warning that incomplete data must never delay action, because delay carries real risks of irreversible loss. The ninth principle declares compliance the make-or-break factor: most people follow rules they know, understand, and support, so compliance is primarily an engagement challenge, but enforcement with genuinely deterrent penalties remains indispensable. The tenth principle stresses governance, noting that the Great Barrier Reef World Heritage Area alone requires coordination across eight jurisdictional frameworks, and the eleventh demands sustainable, sufficient finance and capacity, pointing out that conservation budgets measured in tens of millions of dollars sit awkwardly beside the tens of billions that governments and insurers spend annually on storm response, a gap that innovative financing could begin to close.</p>
<p>The twelfth principle is perhaps the most human: focus on solutions, not problems. Solutions exist, they work, and the challenge is applying them in each specific context. The pioneering community-managed no-take reserves at Sumilon Island, established in 1974, and Apo Island, established in 1982 in the Philippines, were tiny in extent but have delivered lasting local benefits and inspired marine protected area networks across the Coral Triangle and worldwide. McCook&#8217;s general remarks reinforce that the objectives and principles form an integrated package, not a menu. All five objectives are necessary; pressures vary in intensity by place and time, but no single threat can be tackled in isolation from the cumulative and synergistic impacts of the rest. He cautions against the media&#8217;s appetite for a single most important threat, and against restoration projects that invest heavily without first addressing the original causes of degradation, a mistake he reports seeing repeatedly, with corals planted into water too polluted to sustain them.</p>
<p>The framework&#8217;s final message is one of scale and speed. Current management is not failing because the approach is wrong, the article argues, but because the effort devoted to it is far too small; the task now is to outstrip the rate and scale of degradation with dramatically more conservation, delivered urgently. Jurisdictional complexity, from fisheries agencies focused on industry to pollution sources far from the reefs they damage, demands proactive integration across agencies and borders. And the harshest lesson of recent decades bears repeating: well-intentioned but poorly implemented conservation, weakened by inadequate engagement, poor compliance, or unnecessary social conflict, has a high chance of failure. If the job is worth doing, McCook concludes, it is worth doing the right way, everywhere, and now.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> A framework of five objectives and twelve principles for successful management and conservation of coral reefs and other tropical marine ecosystems.</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Objectives and principles for successful management and conservation of coral reefs and other tropical marine ecosystems</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Objectives and principles for successful management and conservation of coral reefs and other tropical marine ecosystems. (n.d.). <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00338-026-02946-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s00338-026-02946-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00338-026-02946-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s00338-026-02946-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> coral reefs, marine conservation, marine protected areas, climate change, water pollution, resilience, adaptive management, ecosystem-based management, marine spatial planning, fisheries management, community engagement, conservation finance</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">194131</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Strategic Foresight Reveals How Climate-Neutral Farming Transitions Can Survive a Turbulent World</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/strategic-foresight-reveals-how-climate-neutral-farming-transitions-can-survive-a-turbulent-world/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Alan Morgan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 00:16:55 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adaptive capacity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[agricultural innovation and technology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[agricultural policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[agroecology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate change adaptation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate Mitigation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[climate-neutral agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[environmental shocks]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[farming transitions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[food system resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[food systems]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[future scenario planning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[policy risk assessment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience in farming systems]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[scenario analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strategic foresight]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainable agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainable development in agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainable farming transitions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[volatility]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[volatility in agricultural policy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=193214</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A study in npj Sustainable Agriculture shows that strategic foresight methods can reveal which pathways to climate-neutral farming are resilient enough to withstand global volatility.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The transition to climate-neutral agriculture is one of the most consequential undertakings of the twenty-first century, and a new analysis published in npj Sustainable Agriculture argues that the tools society uses to plan that transition matter as much as the technologies and policies behind it. The study examines how strategic foresight, a structured family of methods for exploring alternative futures, can illuminate the resilience of farming systems as they move toward climate neutrality in a world defined by volatility. Rather than treating the transition as a fixed pathway from present practice to a defined endpoint, the work frames it as a dynamic process exposed to shocks, surprises and competing pressures that can derail even well-designed plans.</p>
<p>Strategic foresight differs fundamentally from conventional forecasting. Where forecasting extrapolates present trends forward and assumes a broadly stable environment, foresight deliberately constructs multiple plausible futures, each shaped by different combinations of driving forces. These can include climate extremes, energy price swings, geopolitical disruption, trade fragmentation, technological breakthroughs and shifts in consumer demand. By developing scenarios that span this possibility space, researchers and policymakers can stress-test transition strategies before committing scarce public and private resources, identifying which elements of a climate-neutral farming pathway are robust across many futures and which are fragile bets on a single expected outcome.</p>
<p>The core insight of the research is that resilience and foresight are inseparable concerns for agricultural transformation. Farming sits at the intersection of ecological, economic and social systems, each with its own thresholds and feedback loops. A transition strategy that reduces greenhouse gas emissions on paper may nevertheless prove brittle if it depends on uninterrupted supply chains, stable subsidy regimes or benign weather. Strategic foresight provides a systematic way to expose these dependencies, revealing how plausible disruptions, from drought sequences to fertilizer market shocks, could interact with the transition process itself and either accelerate, slow or reverse progress toward climate neutrality.</p>
<p>Technically, the foresight approach typically proceeds through a sequence of steps. Analysts first scan for driving forces, categorizing them by their certainty and their potential impact on the system. The most consequential and most uncertain forces become the axes of scenario construction, producing a small set of internally coherent future worlds. Within each world, the dynamics of agricultural transition are explored: how farmers might adopt practices such as reduced tillage, cover cropping, improved nutrient management, agroforestry, precision fertilization or renewable-energy integration, and how those adoption patterns respond to the economic and institutional conditions of each scenario. The resilience of the transition is then assessed by comparing outcomes across scenarios and locating the points of common vulnerability.</p>
<p>One of the most important contributions of this framing is its treatment of time. Climate neutrality is usually expressed as a target date, but the journey toward that date is uneven and path-dependent. Early choices, such as which practices receive public support or which supply chains are reorganized first, can lock in certain configurations and foreclose others. Foresight makes these lock-in risks visible. It can show, for example, that a transition strategy optimized for a future of high carbon prices and stable trade may collapse under a future of price volatility and protectionism, whereas a more diversified strategy, combining multiple mitigation practices and revenue streams, retains functionality across both worlds.</p>
<p>The volatility emphasis is particularly timely. Recent years have confronted agriculture with a compound stress test: pandemic-era supply disruptions, energy and fertilizer price spikes linked to geopolitical conflict, recurrent droughts and floods, and shifting trade relationships. Each of these events strained farm businesses and policy frameworks alike. A transition to climate neutrality adds new layers of dependence, on carbon accounting systems, on emerging markets for low-emission products, and on technologies still moving down their cost curves. The research underscores that planning for the transition without accounting for such volatility would be a category error, because volatility is not an aberration but a defining feature of the operating environment.</p>
<p>Resilience, in this context, is unpacked rather than assumed. The analysis draws on the established conceptual vocabulary of resilience research, distinguishing the capacity of farming systems to absorb shocks, to adapt their structures and practices in response, and, where necessary, to transform into fundamentally new configurations. Applied to the climate-neutral transition, these capacities imply different design principles. Absorbency favors buffers such as financial reserves, diversified rotations and soil organic matter that cushions drought. Adaptability favors flexible policy instruments, learning networks among farmers, and monitoring systems that detect stress early. Transformability favors institutional space for experimentation, so that if climate or market conditions shift beyond what incremental change can handle, the sector can reorganize rather than collapse.</p>
<p>Strategic foresight also changes who is involved in planning. Because scenarios are built from assumptions about driving forces, the process benefits from the participation of a wide range of actors: farmers whose livelihoods embody the practical constraints, scientists who model biophysical processes, industry actors who control supply chains, and policymakers who set incentives. Participatory foresight exercises generate a shared vocabulary for discussing uncertain futures, which can reduce polarization and help stakeholders commit to transition strategies even when they disagree about which future is most likely. The research suggests this shared understanding is itself a resilience asset, enabling faster and more coordinated responses when real-world shocks arrive.</p>
<p>The implications for policy design are concrete. Strategies emerging from foresight-informed analysis tend to favor portfolios over silver bullets, combining emissions-reduction measures with adaptation measures and explicit contingency planning. They favor reversible and modular interventions, which can be scaled up or down as conditions change, over irreversible commitments whose value depends on a single forecast. They favor investment in information infrastructure, including monitoring, scenario updating and early-warning capacity, so that plans can be revised as evidence accumulates. And they favor attention to distributional consequences, because a transition that concentrates risk on vulnerable farms or regions is unlikely to sustain the social support it needs through a decade of turbulence.</p>
<p>The study also acknowledges the limits of foresight. Scenarios are not predictions, and there is a persistent risk that decision-makers treat the most comfortable scenario as the default. Foresight works best when it is iterative, revisited as conditions change, and when its outputs are explicitly linked to decision processes rather than filed away as reports. Maintaining that discipline requires institutional commitment, but the payoff, the authors argue, is a climate-neutral farming transition that is not merely planned but genuinely robust, one that can bend under pressure without breaking and can seize unexpected opportunities as the global environment continues to shift.</p>
<p>Beyond the immediate design of transition strategies, the foresight perspective carries implications for how agricultural research itself is organized. Much of agronomic science is built around optimizing individual practices under relatively controlled conditions, yet the resilience questions raised here concern combinations of practices interacting with turbulent external conditions. A scenario-based framing suggests value in research portfolios that evaluate practices not only for their average performance but for their performance under stress, including how cover cropping, nutrient management and energy integration behave when input prices, labor availability or weather patterns deviate sharply from historical norms.</p>
<p>The connection between soil processes and transition resilience deserves particular attention. Practices such as reduced tillage, diversified rotations and organic matter accumulation are frequently promoted for their mitigation benefits, but they also function as biophysical buffers. Soils with greater organic content hold more water during dry periods and recover more quickly from extreme rainfall, which means the same interventions that reduce emissions can simultaneously dampen the impact of climate shocks on yields. This dual character complicates simple cost-benefit accounting, because a practice that appears marginal when valued only for carbon may be clearly worthwhile once its risk-reduction role is included, a point that scenario analysis is well suited to surface.</p>
<p>Economic heterogeneity across the farming sector is another dimension that foresight exercises tend to expose. Farms differ enormously in size, capital access, tenure arrangements and exposure to international markets, so a transition pathway that is robust for a well-capitalized arable operation may be fragile for a small mixed farm carrying debt. When scenarios are populated with this heterogeneity rather than a representative average farm, the analysis can identify which policy instruments, such as targeted credit, insurance design or transition payments, determine whether the whole sector moves together or whether vulnerable segments fall behind and undermine collective targets.</p>
<p>The temporal structure of shocks also matters in ways that single-scenario planning obscures. Sequences of stressful years, rather than isolated extreme events, can deplete the financial and biological buffers that farms rely on, pushing systems past thresholds that individual disturbances would not. Foresight methods that explicitly model event sequences, including back-to-back droughts or coincident market and weather disruptions, therefore provide a more demanding and more informative resilience test than average-condition analysis, and they align closely with the absorb-adapt-transform vocabulary the study employs.</p>
<p>Finally, the iterative character of foresight connects naturally to emerging monitoring capacity in agriculture. Satellite observation, farm-level data platforms and improved biophysical models make it increasingly feasible to track indicators of transition health, such as adoption rates, soil carbon trends and input dependencies, and to compare them against scenario assumptions. When such signals diverge from the future world a strategy was designed for, that divergence becomes an early trigger for revision rather than a crisis discovered late. In this sense, foresight is less a one-time planning exercise than an ongoing navigation discipline, one that treats the climate-neutral transition as a course to be continuously corrected through volatile conditions rather than a route to be plotted once and followed regardless of weather.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Using strategic foresight methods to assess the resilience of climate-neutral agricultural transition pathways under global volatility</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Strategic foresight provides insight into the resilience of climate-neutral farming transitions in a volatile world</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Styles, D., Henn, D., Duffy, C., Black, K., &amp; Martinez-Arce, A. (2026). Strategic foresight provides insight into the resilience of climate-neutral farming transitions in a volatile world. <em>npj Sustainable Agriculture, 4</em>(1), Article 73. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44264-026-00185-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1038/s44264-026-00185-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44264-026-00185-2" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1038/s44264-026-00185-2</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> strategic foresight, climate-neutral agriculture, farming transitions, resilience, scenario analysis, sustainable agriculture, agricultural policy, volatility, food systems, climate mitigation, adaptive capacity, agroecology</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">193214</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>How Nonprofits Can Build Resilience Without Losing Their Mission</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/how-nonprofits-can-build-resilience-without-losing-their-mission/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 29 Aug 2026 00:55:05 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adapting to environmental disruptions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[crisis management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dynamic delegation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[entrepreneurial judgment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[entrepreneurial judgment in nonprofits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[frontline responsiveness and delegation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[governance systems in nonprofits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of funding rules and contracting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mission accountability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nonprofit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nonprofit organizational resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nonprofit resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nonprofit risk management strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ongoing resilience process]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organizational adaptation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political environment influence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[slack resources]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[slack resources in nonprofits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social value preservation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[theory-building in nonprofit resilience]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=184241</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A new conceptual model describes nonprofit resilience as an iterative process powered by reserves, informed judgment and flexible decision-making under strong governance safeguards.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Nonprofit organizations are being asked to do more while operating in environments that are becoming less predictable. Fiscal retrenchment, unstable funding, regulatory scrutiny, geopolitical conflict, natural disasters and rising demand for social services can arrive together, leaving organizations with little time to plan. A conceptual study in <i>Global Public Policy and Governance</i> proposes that nonprofit resilience should not be understood simply as survival after a shock or as a fixed organizational capability. Instead, resilience is presented as an ongoing process in which organizations anticipate disruption, cope with immediate pressures and adapt their work while preserving social value. The process model developed by Aureliu Sindila, Xueyong Zhan and Yong Jin links those stages to three mechanisms: accumulating slack resources, exercising entrepreneurial judgment and empowering frontline responsiveness through dynamic delegation. The authors argue that resilience depends not only on internal management. Funding rules, contracting arrangements, governance systems and the wider political environment can determine whether an organization has enough room to respond quickly and responsibly.</p>
<p>The study is theory-building rather than an empirical investigation based on newly collected data. The authors develop their framework through a structured comparative reading of established organizational and nonprofit research alongside documented accounts of nonprofit operations in institutionally constrained settings, drawing most extensively on China and supplementing that perspective with evidence from other developing contexts. This approach allows them to examine where widely recommended resilience practices are feasible, where they break down and which policy conditions make them workable. Existing research has often treated resilience as an outcome, such as organizational survival or recovery, or as a static collection of resources and competencies held before a crisis. The new model instead emphasizes causal sequence and feedback. Slack resources provide options, judgment determines how those options are used, and dynamic delegation determines where decisions are made. The stages are not strictly linear: organizations may move repeatedly between anticipation, coping and adaptation as new information emerges and earlier decisions are reassessed.</p>
<p>In the model, anticipation involves sensing weak signals, considering possible disruptions and preparing resources or partnerships before an emergency occurs. Coping concerns the rapid reallocation of people, money, supplies and authority when established operations are interrupted. Adaptation follows as organizations learn from the disruption, redesign services and revise structures or strategies for future conditions. Traditional tools such as risk registers and contingency plans remain useful, but the authors say they are often designed for identifiable and probabilistic risks. They may be less effective when beneficiary needs change suddenly, policies shift without warning or the nature of a threat is fundamentally unknowable. In such conditions, resilience requires dynamic decision-making: organizations must interpret incomplete information, test alternatives, coordinate with partners and preserve enough strategic coherence to avoid reacting chaotically. The framework therefore treats resilience as both a managerial process and a governance challenge, because the rules surrounding an organization can either expand or restrict its ability to act.</p>
<p>The first mechanism, slack resources, refers to surplus or underused resources that can be mobilized when circumstances change. These may include financial reserves, flexible staff capacity, volunteer networks, spare supplies, technological infrastructure and relationships that provide access to legitimacy or assistance. Slack acts as a buffer, allowing an organization to retain staff, maintain essential services and experiment with new approaches rather than making immediate cuts. The authors describe it as a form of option value: resources held in reserve give leaders time to diagnose a situation and choose among possible responses. Examples discussed in the study include nonprofit organizations that used financial reserves or flexible funding during the COVID-19 pandemic to move services online or expand emergency assistance, while organizations with little slack faced reductions in staff and programs. Slack can also support training, data systems and technology upgrades, investments that are frequently classified as overhead but may determine whether an organization can respond effectively later.</p>
<p>Slack is not limited to money, and its meaning changes across institutional settings. In China and other environments where formal funding is restricted or unpredictable, nonprofits may rely on relational slack, including political legitimacy, partnerships and connections with public officials. Such relationships can help organizations obtain resources during an emergency, but they may also limit autonomy or create pressure to align with government priorities. The study presents this as a resilience paradox: a close relationship with the state can provide a valuable buffer while making independent pivots more difficult. Excessive or poorly governed slack can also produce inefficiency, complacency or misallocation. The authors therefore connect reserve-building to transparency, documented policies and clear triggers for deployment. They emphasize funding rules that permit operating reserves, realistic indirect-cost rates and carry-forward provisions. Without those arrangements, organizations can become trapped in a “starvation cycle,” in which pressure to minimize administrative spending deprives them of the infrastructure needed to sustain programs and adapt to shocks.</p>
<p>The second mechanism is entrepreneurial judgment, defined in the study as the exercise of decision-making authority over diverse resources under uncertainty. It does not mean that nonprofits must become commercial enterprises or that resilience depends on launching a social business. Rather, it describes how leaders assess incomplete information, weigh competing priorities and identify opportunities to preserve or expand impact. Nonprofit leaders may need to decide whether to direct scarce resources toward immediate relief, long-term capacity, advocacy, digital services or a new partnership. Those choices involve uncertainty that cannot always be calculated as conventional risk. In democratic settings, uncertainty may arise from markets, donors or changing public preferences; in restrictive political environments, it may also arise from shifting administrative signals and narrow windows for advocacy. The study argues that sound judgment must balance responsiveness with mission alignment, while recognizing the dangers of overconfidence, escalation of commitment and other cognitive biases. Data systems, evaluation routines, scenario analysis and leadership development can improve the quality of decisions without removing the need for human interpretation.</p>
<p>The third mechanism, dynamic delegation, distributes authority according to changing conditions and local knowledge. Frontline staff and volunteers may understand community needs, operational barriers and emerging risks more clearly than senior leaders who are farther from service delivery. Allowing those people to make defined decisions can accelerate action during a crisis, as illustrated by accounts of grassroots groups responding to the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake and by nonprofit adaptations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Dynamic delegation differs from simply abandoning hierarchy. It requires written decision rights, escalation thresholds, coordination systems and accountability for outcomes. The authors note that decentralization can otherwise create duplication, inefficiency or mission drift. Cultural legacies may also obstruct it. Founder-led organizations often concentrate authority because personal relationships with donors or officials are important assets, while political risk can encourage vertical approval chains. Training frontline workers is unlikely to be enough if they lack permission to act, so the study links delegation to governance redesign, succession planning, board oversight and explicit delegation charters.</p>
<p>The model’s most consequential argument concerns the relationship between adaptation and mission drift. A nonprofit may need to change how it works when a familiar delivery channel becomes ineffective, but any pivot can raise concerns that financial pressures or donor preferences are replacing the organization’s purpose. The authors distinguish opportunistic mission drift from adaptive mission respecification: a governed change in activities or revenue strategy intended to preserve the underlying social mission. They propose three safeguards. Before a pivot, organizations should define acceptable boundaries, connect decisions to mission-focused outcomes and specify when board approval is required. During and after the change, leaders should document the evidence, report transparently to stakeholders and evaluate effects on beneficiaries. Temporary authorizations should include review points or sunset clauses so that new activities do not continue indefinitely without evidence. Trust-based, outcome-oriented contracts can support this approach by allowing nonprofits to reallocate resources within agreed outcome domains instead of seeking approval for every operational change. The authors conclude that resilient nonprofits need room to act, but that room must be bounded by proportionate oversight.</p>
<p>The study places significant responsibility on funders, regulators, boards and intermediary organizations. Moving from input policing to outcome stewardship would mean permitting reserves, recognizing realistic indirect costs, supporting data and evaluation capacity, and using trust-based contracts with proportionate reporting. Fiduciary guidance could clarify when evidence-informed adaptation is consistent with responsible stewardship rather than treating every deviation from an original plan as failure. Intermediaries could provide shared analytics, evaluation services, leadership programs and pooled financial backstops, particularly for small and midsized organizations that cannot build every capability alone. The authors stress that feasibility varies by legal and political context. Some reforms can be adopted internally, while others require regulatory change; where reform is unlikely, domestic foundations, universities and nonprofit networks may still create practical support. They call for future empirical studies to test how financial, human, relational and institutional slack affect the three resilience stages, and to evaluate whether bounded-discretion contracts and reserve-friendly policies improve both adaptive speed and accountability. Their central conclusion is that nonprofit resilience is not a stockpile or a slogan, but a repeatable process of preparing, deciding, delegating and learning while keeping social purpose at the center.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Process-based resilience building in nonprofit organizations</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Nonprofit resilience building in turbulent times: towards a process model</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Sindila, A., Zhan, X., &amp; Jin, Y. (2026). Nonprofit resilience building in turbulent times: towards a process model. <em>Global Public Policy and Governance</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s43508-026-00155-x" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s43508-026-00155-x</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s43508-026-00155-x" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s43508-026-00155-x</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> nonprofit resilience, organizational adaptation, slack resources, entrepreneurial judgment, dynamic delegation, mission accountability, public policy, governance, crisis management, Nonprofit, resilience, building</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">184241</post-id>	</item>
	</channel>
</rss>
