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	<title>parental stress &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>parental stress &#8211; Science</title>
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
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		<title>Parental Stress Weakly Linked to Digital Parenting Attitudes in Türkiye</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/parental-stress-weakly-linked-to-digital-parenting-attitudes-in-turkiye/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ophelia Keating]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 08:34:37 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[children's media use]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-sectional study]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-sectional study on parenting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital parenting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital parenting attitude scale]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital parenting attitudes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital parenting in Turkey]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disadvantaged communities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[influence of socioeconomic status on parenting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[maternal parenting behaviors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mothers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parental]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress and its impact]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress scale]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parenting stress and digital attitudes correlation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[primary school children in Şanlıurfa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Şanlıurfa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[socioeconomically disadvantaged families in Türkiye]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[statistical analysis of parenting factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Türkiye]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=317143</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A cross-sectional study of 374 mothers in disadvantaged areas of Şanlıurfa, Türkiye, found a weak but significant association between parental stress and digital parenting attitudes.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Parental stress was weakly but significantly associated with digital parenting attitudes among mothers of children aged 6 to 12 living in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas of Şanlıurfa, Türkiye, a cross-sectional study of 374 mothers found. The analysis did not show that parental stress caused particular parenting attitudes or that either factor changed over time.</p>
<p>The study was conducted between May and August 2025 and was described by its authors as descriptive and correlational. It examined an association rather than testing an intervention or following families longitudinally. The sample was restricted to mothers of primary-school-aged children in selected disadvantaged areas of Şanlıurfa, so the findings are most directly applicable to that population rather than to all parents, fathers, families elsewhere or caregivers of children in other age groups.</p>
<p>Participants completed a demographic information form, the Parenting Stress Scale and the Digital Parenting Attitude Scale. The researchers used independent-samples t-tests, one-way analysis of variance, Tukey post-hoc tests, Pearson correlation and linear regression, with statistical significance set at p &lt; .05. These methods were used to compare scores among measured groups and estimate the relationship between parental stress and digital parenting attitudes within the study sample.</p>
<p>The mean Parenting Stress Scale score was 35.31 ± 8.62, while the mean Digital Parenting Attitude Scale score was 50.43 ± 6.97. These values summarize the sample’s average responses on the two instruments. The source abstract does not provide the scales’ full item structures, directional interpretations or clinical cutoffs, so the mean scores should not be treated as thresholds for high stress or particular parenting attitudes.</p>
<p>The principal result was a positive correlation of r = .241 between parental stress and digital parenting attitudes, with p &lt; .001. A simple linear regression produced a corresponding standardized coefficient of β = 0.241 and an R² of 0.058, also with p &lt; .001. In statistical terms, the association was detectable but weak, and parental stress accounted for approximately 5.8% of the observed variation in digital parenting attitude scores in the model.</p>
<p>Scores on the two measures also differed across several participant and household characteristics. Parental stress varied significantly according to mothers’ educational status, children’s daily media use and the method used to control children’s internet use, with all reported comparisons at p &lt; .05. Digital parenting attitude scores differed significantly by mothers’ age, family type, number of children and the method used to control children’s internet use. The abstract does not report the magnitude of every subgroup difference or establish the reasons for them.</p>
<p>The findings do not establish that highly stressed parents are uniformly controlling, permissive or otherwise different in their approach to digital media. The study measured parental stress and digital parenting attitudes at a single point and found only a modest association between them. Because the design was cross-sectional, it cannot determine whether stress influences attitudes, whether attitudes relate to stress, whether other measured or unmeasured factors contribute to both, or how these factors evolve within individual families.</p>
<p>Based on the findings, the authors concluded that public-health interventions combining parental-stress management with digital-parenting education should be strengthened in primary healthcare services. The study did not test such a combined intervention, compare it with another approach, or measure whether changing stress leads to a change in digital parenting attitudes. Its results identify an association relevant to service planning while leaving the effectiveness of the proposed approach for future research to evaluate.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Association between parental stress and digital parenting attitudes among mothers of children aged 6–12 in Şanlıurfa, Türkiye</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> How parental stress shapes digital parenting: a study in disadvantaged areas</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Ersin, F., Kılıc, M., &amp; Akcayır, D. (2026). How parental stress shapes digital parenting: a study in disadvantaged areas. <em>BMC Public Health</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-29988-1" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-29988-1</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-29988-1" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1186/s12889-026-29988-1</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> parental stress, digital parenting, digital parenting attitudes, children&#x27;s media use, disadvantaged communities, Şanlıurfa, Türkiye, cross-sectional study, public health, mothers, parental, stress</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">317143</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Parent experiences of infant feeding in congenital hyperinsulinism: a thematic analysis</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/parent-experiences-of-infant-feeding-in-congenital-hyperinsulinism-a-thematic-analysis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Harold Sullivan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 07:49:11 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Science News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[congenital hyperinsulinism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[delayed oral feeding development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[enteral feeding]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[enteral tube dependence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family and social life restrictions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family wellbeing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[feeding aversion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[feeding aversion in infants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glycaemic control]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glycaemic control-driven feeding]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hypoglycaemia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infant feeding]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infant feeding challenges]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[medical management of hypoglycemia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multidisciplinary care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parent-]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychosocial impact on families]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[qualitative research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[qualitative thematic analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rare metabolic disorder]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=316963</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A qualitative study of 10 caregivers at one specialist centre found that congenital hyperinsulinism makes infant feeding medically driven, with treatment disruptions, feeding aversion, glucose monitoring, family stress and restricted social life.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Interviews with 10 caregivers found that feeding a child with congenital hyperinsulinism often became a medically directed process shaped by the need to prevent severe hypoglycaemia, rather than by ordinary hunger and satiety cues. Parents described disrupted oral feeding development, feeding aversion, prolonged reliance on enteral tubes, constant vigilance and restricted family and social life. Reflexive thematic analysis of the semi-structured interviews identified four recurring themes: medical management disrupting feeding, feeding aversion and delayed oral development, feeding driven by glycaemic control, and psychosocial effects on families. The exploratory qualitative study was conducted at a single international centre of excellence and therefore describes the experiences of this sample rather than the prevalence of feeding problems among all children with congenital hyperinsulinism.</p>
<p>Congenital hyperinsulinism is a rare condition characterized by unregulated insulin release from pancreatic beta cells, which can produce severe and unpredictable episodes of hypoglycaemia. Transient forms may occur with risk factors including perinatal stress, intrauterine growth restriction and maternal diabetes and often resolve within days or weeks, whereas genetic forms may result from a mutation in the insulin secretory pathway or from syndromes such as Beckwith-Wiedemann syndrome and tend to be persistent. The study examined children with genetically confirmed disease who had received a confirmed diagnosis between 2015 and 2025. Their management included diazoxide, surgical removal of a focal pancreatic lesion, subtotal pancreatectomy, octreotide or dasiglucagon, reflecting a range of disease severities and treatment pathways.</p>
<p>The children’s hospital admissions lasted between 58 and 211 days, an important feature of the context in which their feeding difficulties emerged. Many infants initially received intravenous fluids, parenteral nutrition or very small, scheduled oral feeds rather than uninterrupted opportunities to breastfeed or bottle-feed. Parents said that periods without oral intake, fasting, repeated blood-glucose checks and tightly controlled feeding schedules interrupted the establishment of typical feeding behaviours. One caregiver recalled that a child admitted for nearly four months was kept without oral intake for several weeks and was subsequently allowed only 10 to 15 millilitres every two or three hours. Another parent described prolonged hospitalization and repeated interventions as “blockers” that prevented the child from progressing with feeding.</p>
<p>Some parents believed that continuous glucose management also limited babies’ opportunities to experience hunger. Because blood glucose was monitored and maintained throughout the day, one parent said, the child did not develop the drive to feed that the parent associated with an ordinary baby. These accounts concern parents’ perceptions of how treatment affected feeding development; the study did not experimentally determine whether monitoring, fasting or any other medical factor caused a particular feeding outcome. It also could not separate the effects of hospitalization, repeated procedures, medication, tube feeding and close metabolic control. Nevertheless, the interviews show how clinically necessary interventions could alter the setting in which a child first learned to feed.</p>
<p>For many families, the practical demands continued after hospital discharge. Caregivers described learning to place and check nasogastric tubes, modify feeds, administer nutritional supplements and combine oral intake with pumped or tube-delivered nutrition. Some children received a nasogastric tube, while others had a percutaneous endoscopic gastrostomy; several continued enteral feeding alongside small amounts taken by mouth. The work was technically more demanding than these parents had anticipated for a newborn. Medication could also shape feeding: the article’s clinical background notes that diazoxide has an unpleasant taste and can cause vomiting and nausea, while octreotide can produce gastrointestinal dysmotility. The findings do not quantify the effect of any one treatment or establish which treatment was responsible for a child’s oral difficulties.</p>
<p>Oral feeding often progressed more slowly than families expected, and some children accepted less over time rather than improving with age. Parents reported gagging, vomiting, reduced bottle intake, refusal of new foods and prolonged dependence on enteral feeding. Some infants took a small amount by mouth and then needed the remainder delivered through a tube because blood glucose could not be allowed to fall. Other children stopped taking bottles before the usual transition to complementary foods. Caregivers described a persistent conflict between supporting development and protecting glycaemic stability: frequent prescribed feeds could leave a child too full to explore solids, while offering additional food raised concerns about vomiting or insufficient carbohydrate intake. “It’s trying to find a balance, but then unable to find a balance, because there’s no way,” one parent said.</p>
<p>Repeated unpleasant experiences also altered the emotional character of feeding. Several parents described anticipating distress before each feed, particularly when oral intake was followed by vomiting and further tube administration. One caregiver said the experience felt like force-feeding because the child had to receive the required amount to maintain blood glucose even when she resisted. Other parents reported anxiety, guilt or distress when they felt unable to distinguish ordinary infant refusal from a feeding decision with metabolic consequences. The study recorded these experiences through interviews and did not measure diagnoses of parental anxiety or depression, nor did it establish a causal pathway from individual feeding events to psychological outcomes. Its evidence is qualitative: the accounts show how clinical necessity and feeding development could pull families in opposing directions.</p>
<p>Across the interviews, glycaemic control became the main reference point for feeding decisions. Parents said they could not treat a missed feed with the same flexibility they had applied to other children, because maintaining the prescribed intake was necessary in CHI. Hunger, fullness and the infant’s willingness to eat therefore carried less weight in some decisions than the need to secure adequate nutrition for glucose stability. One parent explained that baby-led weaning was not compatible with the requirement that the child consume food because low blood glucose was possible otherwise. Continuous glucose monitoring was not raised spontaneously as a focus during the interviews, so the researchers did not speculate about how its use affected feeding management or caregiver wellbeing. The reported findings likewise do not quantify how often glycaemic control overrode infant cues.</p>
<p>The consequences of feeding extended well beyond individual meals. Families said leaving home required advance planning for milk, feeding pumps, medication, spare tubes and supplies for flushing or replacing lines. One caregiver described the preparation needed even for a trip to a shop, while others avoided public settings because of tube feeding, vomiting or unwanted attention. Some consequently stopped attending parent-and-infant groups and reduced social contact. The emotional burden included constant checking, anxiety about impending hypoglycaemia and uncertainty about the child’s future relationship with food. One participant became tearful when asked about the effect of feeding difficulties on family life and said, “I don’t think I want to look at that yet.” The interviewer did not pursue that topic further in order to respect the participant’s wellbeing.</p>
<p>The authors interpret the results as support for coordinated multidisciplinary care involving paediatric endocrinology, specialist nursing, dietetics, speech and language therapy and psychological support. They also emphasize education for healthcare teams outside specialist CHI services, noting that parents sometimes felt responsible for repeatedly explaining their child’s condition. This is a call based on participants’ experiences, not evidence that a particular programme has already been shown to improve feeding or family wellbeing. Recruitment was exploratory: 18 of 38 eligible families were invited, four declined, four could not be contacted and 10 completed interviews. The researchers used reflexive thematic analysis without statistical power calculations or a claim of data saturation. As the sample came from one centre and consisted of children with confirmed genetic CHI, milder forms may have been underrepresented, while feeding practices and support systems may differ in other healthcare settings. The study identifies experiences and service needs that require further evaluation; it does not establish how common these experiences are or demonstrate the effectiveness of an intervention.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Caregiver experiences of feeding infants and children with congenital hyperinsulinism</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Parent experiences of infant feeding in congenital hyperinsulinism: a thematic analysis</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Worthington, S., Ginbey, E., Otabor, O., Hall, C., Allchin, B., Auckburally, S. H., Salomon-Estebanez, M., Banerjee, I., &amp; Worth, C. (2026). Parent experiences of infant feeding in congenital hyperinsulinism: a thematic analysis. <em>Frontiers in Endocrinology, 17</em>, Article 1955679. <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2026.1955679" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2026.1955679</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2026.1955679" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.3389/fendo.2026.1955679</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> congenital hyperinsulinism, infant feeding, feeding aversion, hypoglycaemia, enteral feeding, glycaemic control, parental stress, qualitative research, multidisciplinary care, family wellbeing, Parent, experiences</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">316963</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>ECMO Survivors Face Physical Setbacks, but Executive Function and Parental Stress Drive Long-Term Quality of Life</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/ecmo-survivors-face-physical-setbacks-but-executive-function-and-parental-stress-drive-long-term-quality-of-life/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Denise Maddox]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2026 17:02:11 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Technology and Engineering]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Beyond]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[comparison of ECMO and general ICU survivors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[critical illness recovery in children]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECMO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECMO long-term outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effects of ECMO technology on child development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Executive function]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[executive function in ECMO survivors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[health-related quality of life]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[long-term quality of life after critical illness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[neurocognitive assessment in pediatric patients]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[neurodevelopment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[neurodevelopmental impact of ECMO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress after pediatric ICU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pediatric critical care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pediatric critical care recovery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pediatric neuroplasticity post-ECMO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pediatric research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[physical functioning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[PICU follow-up]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[prospective study on pediatric ECMO outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychosocial outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[survivorship]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=259354</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A prospective matched study finds that executive dysfunction and parental stress, rather than ECMO itself, are the strongest predictors of long-term quality of life in critically ill children.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Extracorporeal membrane oxygenation, or ECMO, is one of the most dramatic interventions in modern pediatric medicine. The machine takes over the work of a child&#8217;s heart and lungs when they fail, buying time for recovery or transplant in cases that would otherwise be fatal. Yet for all its lifesaving power, ECMO has carried a persistent shadow: the assumption that children who survive it are likely to face profound long-term neurodevelopmental damage attributable to the technology itself. A new prospective controlled study by Le Helleye and colleagues, published in Pediatric Research and accompanied by a commentary from Joshua Feder and Pramod S. Puligandla of the Montreal Children&#8217;s Hospital, challenges that assumption in a way that could reshape how intensive care units around the world think about recovery after critical illness.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s central methodological innovation is its comparison group. Most previous research on pediatric ECMO outcomes has either followed ECMO survivors alone or compared them to healthy children, making it impossible to separate the effects of the machine from the effects of the catastrophic illness that required it. Le Helleye and colleagues instead recruited a matched cohort of general pediatric intensive care unit survivors, matched for age, diagnosis, and admission year. This design allows researchers to ask a sharper question: does ECMO itself leave a distinctive mark on a child&#8217;s long-term health-related quality of life, or is the mark left by critical illness in general? The answer, it turns out, is nuanced and clinically important.</p>
<p>Across the full spectrum of health-related quality of life, ECMO survivors scored modestly lower than their critically ill peers. But when the researchers broke the measure into its component domains, a striking pattern emerged. Physical functioning showed a clear and robust deficit in the ECMO group, one that persisted even when compared against children who had endured comparable critical illness without extracorporeal support. This suggests that whatever ECMO uniquely contributes to long-term outcomes, it manifests primarily in the physical realm, plausibly reflecting the vascular complications, immobility, and prolonged rehabilitation that accompany cannulation and circuit support. The finding gives clinicians a concrete target for follow-up care rather than a vague expectation of global impairment.</p>
<p>Psychosocial functioning told a different story. ECMO survivors and non-ECMO critically ill survivors did not differ significantly in this domain, which encompasses emotional and social wellbeing. The implication is that the psychosocial struggles common among survivors of pediatric intensive care are driven more by contextual and family factors, such as the trauma of hospitalization, disrupted development, and family stress, than by any ECMO-specific injury to the brain or body. For families who have been told that the machine itself may have damaged their child&#8217;s emotional and social prospects, this reframing may come as a relief, and it redirects attention toward factors that are potentially more amenable to intervention.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most consequential finding concerns executive function. Roughly one-third of the entire cohort, both ECMO survivors and non-ECMO controls alike, showed clinically significant executive dysfunction, meaning difficulties with the cognitive processes that govern planning, working memory, impulse control, and flexible thinking. These are the mental tools children rely on to succeed at school, form relationships, and navigate daily life. The fact that this burden was shared across both groups points again to critical illness itself, rather than ECMO, as the driving force, consistent with a growing literature on post-intensive care syndrome in children, in which inflammation, sedation, hypoxia, and prolonged hospitalization are thought to injure the developing brain regardless of the specific technology used.</p>
<p>When the researchers modeled which factors best predicted poor health-related quality of life, executive dysfunction emerged as the strongest independent predictor across all domains, outweighing the effect of ECMO exposure itself. This is a remarkable result. It means that a cognitive measure, one that can be assessed with validated parent-report instruments such as the Behavior Rating Inventory of Executive Function, predicts a child&#8217;s long-term wellbeing better than whether or not they were placed on an artificial heart-lung machine. In practical terms, a child who never came near an ECMO circuit but leaves the intensive care unit with impaired executive function may face a harder road than a child who survived on the machine with intact cognition.</p>
<p>The second powerful predictor was parental stress, which acted as a mediator of child outcomes and, crucially, is modifiable. Research across pediatric critical illness and childhood cancer survivorship has repeatedly shown that parents&#8217; psychological health is tightly linked to their children&#8217;s recovery and quality of life, and studies of parents in the first six months after a child&#8217;s critical illness document substantial physical, cognitive, emotional, and social burdens on the parents themselves. The new findings elevate this from an observation to a therapeutic imperative: supporting the family&#8217;s mental health is not a courtesy add-on to pediatric critical care but a direct route to improving the child&#8217;s own long-term outcomes.</p>
<p>Feder and Puligandla argue that these results demand a reframing of post-PICU follow-up. In many centers, follow-up clinics for survivors of pediatric critical care are unevenly resourced, and children who receive ECMO are often tracked more intensively than other critically ill children simply because the technology is visible and dramatic. The new data suggest that neurodevelopmental monitoring, including systematic screening for executive dysfunction, should be extended to all survivors of critical illness, not reserved for ECMO patients. Equally, structured family psychological support should be treated as a core component of critical care recovery, embedded in follow-up pathways rather than offered sporadically when families happen to ask for help.</p>
<p>The study also illustrates the value of rigorous study design in a field where dramatic interventions attract dramatic assumptions. By matching on age, diagnosis, and admission year, the investigators controlled for the severity and nature of the underlying illness, isolating the specific contribution of ECMO. The use of validated instruments for both quality of life and executive function, including psychometrically evaluated French-language versions of the BRIEF, strengthens confidence in the measurements. And by measuring outcomes prospectively rather than retrospectively reconstructing them from charts, the study avoids the recall biases that plague much of the survivorship literature. Earlier work on pediatric cardiac extracorporeal life support survivors and on children years after infant heart surgery had hinted at quality-of-life burdens, but without the controlled design needed to attribute them.</p>
<p>The broader message resonates far beyond ECMO. Pediatric intensive care has become extraordinarily good at saving lives, and the field&#8217;s frontier is increasingly about the quality of the lives that are saved. If executive dysfunction affects a third of critically ill children regardless of the technology used, and if it, together with parental stress, predicts long-term wellbeing more strongly than any single intervention, then the drivers of recovery are cognitive and familial as much as they are physiological. Hospitals that invest in neuropsychological screening, early rehabilitation targeting executive skills, and structured support for parents may improve outcomes in ways that no refinement of the ECMO circuit can achieve. For the children who survive the most frightening weeks of their lives, and for the parents who survive alongside them, the path to a good life may run not just through the intensive care unit, but through the months and years of monitoring and support that follow it.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Long-term health-related quality of life and neurodevelopmental outcomes in pediatric ECMO and critical care survivors</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Beyond ECMO: rethinking drivers of long-term outcomes in critically ill children</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Feder, J., &amp; Puligandla, P. S. (2026). Beyond ECMO: rethinking drivers of long-term outcomes in critically ill children. <em>Pediatric Research</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41390-026-05582-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1038/s41390-026-05582-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41390-026-05582-4" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1038/s41390-026-05582-4</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> ECMO, pediatric critical care, health-related quality of life, executive function, neurodevelopment, parental stress, PICU follow-up, physical functioning, psychosocial outcomes, survivorship, Pediatric Research, Beyond</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">259354</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>From Fear to Trust: How Parents&#8217; Views on Infant Chiropractic Care Shift Over Treatment</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/from-fear-to-trust-how-parents-views-on-infant-chiropractic-care-shift-over-treatment/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Harold Sullivan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 09 Oct 2026 06:11:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arthrogenic torticollis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arthrogenic torticollis in infants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cervical spine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cervical spine joint restrictions in babies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[challenges in diagnosing infant head tilting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[chiropractic care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[congenital muscular torticollis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[congenital muscular torticollis causes and diagnosis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[evolution of parental trust in alternative pediatric treatments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare communication]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of early chiropractic intervention on infant health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infant torticollis treatment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[manual therapy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental anxiety about infant chiropractic therapy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental attitude]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental perceptions of chiropractic care for newborns]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pediatrics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[physiotherapy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[qualitative research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[qualitative study on parental experiences with infant chiropractic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[specialized pediatric chiropractic approaches]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[understanding neck muscle and joint issues in newborns]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=252237</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A qualitative study of Swiss families finds that parents' attitudes toward chiropractic treatment for infants with arthrogenic torticollis evolve from initial uncertainty and anxiety into confidence and acceptance as communication improves and they observe their baby's progress.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When a newborn&#8217;s head is persistently tilted to one side, parents often find themselves on an unfamiliar medical journey. Torticollis, a condition in which an infant holds the head in a rotated or laterally flexed position, affects as many as sixteen percent of newborns, with the vast majority of cases classified as congenital muscular torticollis, a tightening or imbalance of the neck muscles. Yet a smaller subset of infants suffers from a less well-known variant: arthrogenic torticollis, in which the restriction originates not in the muscles but in the joints of the upper cervical spine, particularly the atlas and axis vertebrae, known anatomically as C1 and C2. Because the joint-based form can be harder to recognize and is often identified only after muscular causes have been ruled out, families frequently arrive at specialized care confused, anxious, and unsure of what treatment will involve. For many, that treatment turns out to be chiropractic care, a manual therapy that remains unfamiliar, and sometimes intimidating, when applied to a baby only weeks or months old.</p>
<p>A new explorative qualitative study published in BMC Pediatrics by Salome Keller of the Zurich University of Applied Science and colleagues at the Department of Chiropractic Medicine at University Hospital Balgrist and the University of Zurich has now documented, in parents&#8217; own words, how attitudes toward chiropractic intervention evolve across the course of treatment for infants with suspected arthrogenic torticollis. The research team recruited families whose babies had been referred to chiropractic care with a suspected diagnosis of the condition and conducted semi-structured interviews at two points in time: a baseline round with twelve parents before or at the start of treatment, and a follow-up round with seven parents after they had experienced the therapy firsthand. The design allowed the investigators to compare expectations and fears before treatment with perceptions and judgments afterward, capturing a psychological trajectory that is rarely documented in this clinical population.</p>
<p>Methodologically, the study followed a deductive-inductive qualitative analysis based on Kuckartz&#8217;s approach, a structured framework for qualitative content analysis that combines theory-driven categories with themes emerging from the data themselves. All interviews were coded using MAXQDA 24, a widely used software platform for qualitative research, and the reporting was guided by the COREQ checklist, an international standard designed to improve the transparency and completeness of qualitative study reporting. From this analysis, four main themes crystallized: everyday life, perception of the infant&#8217;s health status, prior knowledge, and attitude toward chiropractic treatment. These themes formed an interpretive map of the parental experience, showing how the practical demands of caring for an affected infant, the parents&#8217; reading of their child&#8217;s condition, whatever they knew beforehand about manual therapy, and their evolving stance toward the treatment all interacted to shape the overall journey.</p>
<p>The baseline interviews revealed a striking emotional landscape. Parents initially experienced considerable uncertainty and emotional strain, driven by two distinct sources. The first was simple unfamiliarity: chiropractic care for infants is not part of most parents&#8217; medical vocabulary, and many did not know what the treatment would entail, how safe it was, or what evidence supported it. The second source was more visceral: watching a practitioner apply manual techniques to a tiny, fragile baby provoked anxiety that no amount of rational reassurance could entirely dispel. The researchers found that this ambivalence, a mixture of hope that the therapy would help and fear that it might somehow harm, was a defining feature of the pre-treatment mindset. Parents arrived at the clinic carrying questions they often felt hesitant to ask, and their first encounters with the treatment setting were colored by this underlying tension.</p>
<p>What happened next, according to the follow-up interviews, was a gradual transformation. As parents became familiar with the process, observing what the practitioner actually did, understanding the gentle nature of the techniques used on infants, and seeing how their baby responded during and after sessions, their emotional state shifted measurably. Confidence grew. Trust in the professionals deepened. Acceptance of the treatment, which had been tentative at best before the first session, solidified into genuine endorsement. Crucially, the researchers identified a powerful catalyst for this shift: observable improvement in the infant&#8217;s condition. When parents could see their child turning the head more freely, holding it more symmetrically, or feeding and sleeping more comfortably, their abstract anxieties about the therapy gave way to concrete, experience-based conviction that the intervention was working.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s findings on the factors shaping parental attitudes carry practical weight for clinicians. Three elements stood out as decisive. Clear communication emerged as the foundation: parents who received thorough explanations of the diagnosis, the rationale for chiropractic treatment, and what each session would involve reported far less distress and far greater engagement than those left to guess. Observable health benefits formed the second pillar, providing the experiential evidence that no verbal reassurance could replace. Prior experience with therapeutic interventions for their infant constituted the third factor: families who had already navigated physiotherapy or other treatments for their child arrived with a framework for understanding a new therapy, which buffered the initial shock of the unfamiliar. Together, these factors suggest that the trajectory from skepticism to trust is not automatic but is actively constructed through information, demonstration, and results.</p>
<p>The clinical context makes these findings particularly significant. Arthrogenic torticollis, involving the upper cervical joints, is precisely the kind of diagnosis that prompts parents to seek specialized manual assessment, and chiropractic medicine in Switzerland, where the study was conducted, is an integrated, university-trained medical discipline rather than an alternative practice. At University Hospital Balgrist, chiropractic medicine operates within the hospital system, with practitioners trained to medical standards. Nevertheless, the researchers emphasize that the general public often does not distinguish between regulated, hospital-based chiropractic care and less formally grounded versions of the practice, which contributes to the initial wariness parents bring through the clinic door. The gap between the actual, regulated nature of the treatment and parental perceptions of it is exactly where communication interventions can do the most good.</p>
<p>The broader implications extend well beyond this single condition. The study offers a template for understanding how families engage with any unfamiliar treatment for infants, a situation that arises constantly in pediatrics, from osteopathy to novel physiotherapy protocols to emerging conservative orthopedic approaches. The central insight is that parental acceptance is dynamic, not fixed: it can be cultivated through structured communication and validated through visible outcomes. The authors highlight that supporting families through this psychological transition does more than improve satisfaction scores; it reduces stress during the infant&#8217;s care, and reduced parental stress is itself a meaningful clinical outcome, given how strongly caregiver anxiety can affect feeding, bonding, and the consistency with which families complete a treatment course.</p>
<p>The researchers are careful about the scope of their conclusions. As an explorative qualitative study with twelve baseline and seven follow-up participants, it cannot quantify how common each attitude pattern is, nor can it speak to the clinical efficacy of chiropractic treatment for arthrogenic torticollis itself, which was not the object of investigation. What it does establish, with methodological transparency, is the shape of the parental experience: an arc that begins in uncertainty and emotional strain, passes through familiarization and observation, and ends, for the families studied, in confidence and acceptance. The deductive-inductive coding framework and adherence to the COREQ checklist strengthen the trustworthiness of the thematic findings, and the two-timepoint design gives the study a longitudinal dimension that most qualitative work in this area lacks.</p>
<p>For parents facing a torticollis diagnosis, the study&#8217;s message is quietly reassuring: the fear and ambivalence they may feel before their infant&#8217;s first chiropractic session are common, documented, and, according to the families interviewed, likely to fade as understanding and visible progress replace the unknown. For clinicians, the message is more actionable. Every explanation offered before a session, every question answered patiently, and every improvement pointed out explicitly is not merely courtesy but an active ingredient in the therapy&#8217;s acceptance. In a field where the youngest patients cannot voice their own experience and their caregivers hold the decision-making power entirely, the psychology of the parent may be as important to a treatment&#8217;s success as the technique applied to the infant&#8217;s neck. This Swiss study makes that psychology visible, and in doing so, offers both families and practitioners a clearer map of the emotional terrain they must cross together.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Parental attitudes toward chiropractic treatment of infants with arthrogenic torticollis</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Parental attitude towards chiropractic intervention before and after treatment in infants with an arthrogenic torticollis: an explorative qualitative study</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Keller, S., Paravicini, I., Wirth, B., Schweinhardt, P., &amp; Langenfeld, A. (2026). Parental attitude towards chiropractic intervention before and after treatment in infants with an arthrogenic torticollis: an explorative qualitative study. <em>BMC Pediatrics</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12887-026-07760-z" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1186/s12887-026-07760-z</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12887-026-07760-z" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1186/s12887-026-07760-z</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> arthrogenic torticollis, chiropractic care, parental attitude, infants, manual therapy, parental stress, healthcare communication, pediatrics, qualitative research, congenital muscular torticollis, cervical spine, physiotherapy</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">252237</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>How Home Visits and Tax Credits Together May Strengthen Struggling Families</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/how-home-visits-and-tax-credits-together-may-strengthen-struggling-families/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 01 Oct 2026 00:46:12 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Addressing childhood adversity and adverse experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Adverse Childhood Experiences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Child mental health and family stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child poverty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Community-based family support initiatives]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Earned Income Tax Credit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Effectiveness of home-visiting support programs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family cohesion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Family communication and future planning enhancement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family well-being]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[financial empowerment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Financial literacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[home visiting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Impact of economic hardship on child development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Interventions for vulnerable families]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Long-term benefits of combined social services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Michigan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[motivational interviewing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parents as Teachers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Policy implications for poverty alleviation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Poverty reduction through home visits and tax credits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Role of Earned Income Tax Credit in family stability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strengthening family relationships through financial assistance]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=220466</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A qualitative study of Michigan's EITC Access Project finds that pairing home visiting with financial education and tax credit support reduced parental stress, strengthened family cohesion, and fostered multigenerational financial empowerment.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Poverty in the United States falls hardest on the youngest members of society. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the national child poverty rate stood at 16 percent in 2022, nearly four percentage points higher than the overall national poverty rate, and in Michigan the figure climbed to 18 percent, the highest in the Midwest. Decades of developmental research have established that growing up in economic hardship shapes psychological, social, and physical health trajectories across the entire lifespan, and that the chronic stress of scarcity is tightly linked to elevated risks of adverse childhood experiences, including parental mental health struggles, substance use, intimate partner violence, and child maltreatment. Against this backdrop, a team of researchers at the University of Michigan asked a deceptively simple question: what happens when families already receiving home-visiting services are also given intensive, one-on-one help claiming a tax credit worth thousands of dollars? Their answer, published in the Journal of Child and Family Studies, suggests that the combination may do far more than pad a bank account. It may reshape how families relate, communicate, and plan for the future.</p>
<p>The intervention at the heart of the study was the Michigan EITC Access Project, a partnership between the University of Michigan, the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, Children Trust Michigan, and the Office of Equity and Minority Health. The project targeted the Earned Income Tax Credit, a refundable federal credit for low- and moderate-income workers that policy simulations have identified as the single most powerful tool among major U.S. benefit programs for reducing child poverty. In 2023, a single parent with three or more children earning up to 56,838 dollars could receive a maximum credit of 7,430 dollars, and Michigan layered on a state-level supplement that was expanded in 2023 from 6 percent to 30 percent of the federal amount. Yet roughly 20 percent of eligible taxpayers never claim the credit, leaving an estimated 7.3 billion dollars unclaimed each tax year. Research points to lack of awareness as a central barrier: only two in five individuals with less than a high school education have ever heard of the EITC, and others are deterred by fears of penalties related to citizenship status or prior filing compliance.</p>
<p>To close that gap, the project augmented Parents as Teachers, an evidence-based home-visiting model that promotes early child development and prevents child maltreatment, with a financial empowerment layer. Home visitors were trained in motivational interviewing techniques for discussing economic issues, learned local EITC eligibility requirements and resources, and worked with families one-on-one to identify barriers to claiming the credit. They arranged appointments at Volunteer Income Tax Assistance sites, which provide free tax filing help to low-income filers. Beyond the tax credit itself, visitors facilitated open-ended conversations about economic needs using Your Money, Your Goals, a financial empowerment toolkit from the U.S. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau comprising booklets, companion guides, and online resources. The frequency of these discussions was deliberately flexible, with visitors introducing financial topics early in the home-visiting schedule and revisiting them at follow-up visits, supported by role-playing exercises and training from the local university extension office.</p>
<p>The new study examined the perceptions of parents who received this enhanced model. Researchers conducted semi-structured interviews with 32 parents of children aged one to 16 across nine Michigan counties, from the Upper Peninsula&#8217;s Baraga, Houghton, and Keweenaw to urban Wayne and Washtenaw in the southeast. Thirty of the participants were women; 56 percent identified as White, 31 percent as Black, and the remainder as Asian, Latine or Hispanic, or Multiracial. Master&#8217;s-level research assistants conducted the interviews over Zoom, with sessions lasting five to 25 minutes and averaging 13. Participants received a 25-dollar gift card, transcripts were de-identified, and geographic details were aggregated to protect confidentiality. The coding team, working in Atlas.ti, used an abductive approach that blended existing theory on economic hardship and family protective factors with themes emerging directly from the data, iterating toward consensus and engaging in peer debriefing to guard against researcher bias.</p>
<p>Thematic analysis revealed six domains in which parents perceived the program had strengthened family well-being: social connection, family-focused purchases, stress management, family cohesion, shared financial knowledge and values, and multigenerational financial empowerment. The first of these, social connection, emerged as the foundation on which everything else rested. Parents described trusting, empathic relationships with their home visitors that functioned as genuine social support. One mother in South Central Michigan spoke of the reassurance of having an extra source of advice during difficult moments, while another in Eastern Michigan, coping with depression, said she had been able to confide in her visitor, whom she described as a wonderful lady. A single mother in Eastern Michigan said the program gave her strategies and a person to talk to so she no longer felt so alone, and a mother of three in Southeast Michigan said the program made her feel more at home, as if the visitors treated her like family. That trust, the researchers note, is precisely the engagement mechanism through which motivational interviewing operates, and it appears to have normalized conversations about money that might otherwise feel stigmatizing.</p>
<p>The tangible benefits were equally striking. Parents described using the Your Money, Your Goals materials to budget, set savings goals, and plan purchases that directly served their children: family vacations, date nights, recreational activities, and higher-quality, more nutritious food. One mother of two in South Central Michigan described working through a checklist with her home visitor to put money aside for a family vacation. Others reported that the EITC itself gave them flexibility to invest in their families after covering bills, whether by funding a special trip or by keeping up with a car payment that ensured children arrived at school and childcare on time. Prior research has shown that EITC recipients typically direct the credit toward debt, bills, and emergencies, but the parents in this study, equipped with budgeting and goal-setting tools, emphasized balancing immediate obligations with deliberate investments in their children&#8217;s development, a pattern the authors suggest may be unique to pairing benefits access with financial education.</p>
<p>Stress reduction emerged as perhaps the most psychologically consequential theme. Parents reported worrying less about money, feeling calmer, and experiencing a sense of security that made, in the words of one mother of four, a huge difference. A mother of two in Northern Michigan described how help with tax benefits and connections to other services eased the burden of a period when her family was navigating health insurance problems with three children and only one income, leaving her feeling less stressed, happier, and more prepared for life. Notably, even parents who did not see a direct reduction in financial burdens reported lower stress, attributing the change to a greater sense of awareness and control. One mother said the program helped her understand how to manage money against fluctuating income, while another described how breaking the daunting task of rebuilding credit into small, achievable steps made her feel less overwhelmed. These accounts align closely with the family stress model, which holds that economic hardship erodes parenting quality through its effect on parental stress, and with evidence that financial literacy is linked to lower financial anxiety and fewer mental health problems.</p>
<p>Those reductions in stress appeared to cascade into stronger family relationships. Parents said they argued and bickered less around their children once tax season felt manageable, and some reported feeling more respected as financial partners by their spouses. A mother of two in South Central Michigan explained that budgeting work with her home visitor left her so much less stressed that she no longer needed to retreat to another room for 30 minutes to compose herself, and could instead take her children to the park. Others said the credit reduced the number of hours they needed to work away from their children, creating more quality time, a finding the authors flag as noteworthy because prior quantitative studies had found minimal effects of the EITC on parents&#8217; time investments in enriching activities with children. The program also opened conversations about money within families: one mother said her partner began telling her exactly what he earned, something he had never done before, and others described sharing tax credit information with younger sisters or modeling minimal borrowing and careful credit use for their daughters.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most forward-looking theme was multigenerational financial empowerment. Parents described opening savings accounts for their children, setting annual contributions to college funds, and coaching children on the value of money, in one case walking a child through how long it would take to re-earn birthday and Christmas money before spending it. Research on parental financial socialization shows that parents exert a greater influence on children&#8217;s financial behavior than peers or formal financial education, and that children who receive financial education from parents are more likely to exhibit healthy financial behaviors in early adulthood, suggesting the program&#8217;s effects could compound across generations. The authors argue that their findings point to a broader lesson: benefits access alone may not be enough. A recent Michigan study using public service announcements to boost EITC uptake found no significant improvements in financial stress or health, and a study in England identified trust between parents and practitioners as the key factor in delivering financial well-being support, finding that light-touch signposting fell short. Embedding financial empowerment within trusted, existing home-visiting relationships, the researchers conclude, may destigmatize money conversations, address immediate needs, and build the financial efficacy, mental health, and resilience that allow families to interrupt the cycle of poverty for good.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> A home-visiting financial education supplement to the Earned Income Tax Credit and its effects on family well-being</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Building Stability: A Home-Visiting Financial Education Supplement to Enhance Family Well-Being</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Chang, O. D., Park, Y., Maguire-Jack, K., &amp; Jean Francois, N. (2026). Building Stability: A Home-Visiting Financial Education Supplement to Enhance Family Well-Being. <em>Journal of Child and Family Studies</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-026-03381-3" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-026-03381-3</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-026-03381-3" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s10826-026-03381-3</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Earned Income Tax Credit, home visiting, financial empowerment, family well-being, child poverty, parental stress, Parents as Teachers, motivational interviewing, financial literacy, family cohesion, adverse childhood experiences, Michigan</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">220466</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Mapping the Hidden Fault Lines: Where Refugee Mothers Face the Greatest Earthquake Vulnerability</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/mapping-the-hidden-fault-lines-where-refugee-mothers-face-the-greatest-earthquake-vulnerability/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Violet Maxwell]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 20 Sep 2026 19:38:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child sleep]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child well-being post-earthquake]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[community health and disaster response]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disaster recovery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[earthquake]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gaziantep]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[geographic information systems disaster mapping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GIS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare access]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[housing damage and displacement in earthquakes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[maternal mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[neighborhood-level disaster impact]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nuanced understanding of refugee vulnerability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nutrition disruption]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parent-child relationship during crises]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress and disaster risk]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychosocial factors in disaster vulnerability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[refugee mother earthquake vulnerability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sociodemographic factors in disaster risk]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Syrian and Turkish refugee families]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Syrian refugees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Türkiye]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[vulnerability index]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=201852</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A neighborhood-level GIS study in Gaziantep, Türkiye, shows that parental stress, family conflict, housing damage, displacement, and bereavement—not refugee status alone—drove post-earthquake vulnerability among Turkish and Syrian mothers.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When the ground broke beneath southeastern Türkiye on February 6, 2023, the earthquakes that followed did not distribute their damage evenly across the map—or across the families living on it. A new study published in the Journal of Emergency and Disaster Medicine has combined psychometric testing with geographic information systems (GIS) to map, neighborhood by neighborhood, exactly where post-earthquake vulnerability concentrates among Turkish and Syrian refugee mothers in Gaziantep Province. The findings challenge a common assumption about disaster vulnerability: that refugee status itself is the defining risk factor. Instead, the research points to a more nuanced picture in which parental stress, parent–child conflict, housing damage, displacement, and bereavement—not nationality—predict who is most at risk.</p>
<p>The research team, led by investigators at Gaziantep University with collaborators in the United States, recruited Turkish and Syrian refugee mothers of young children through community health centers, refugee support organizations, and municipal contacts in earthquake-affected neighborhoods. Each mother completed a sociodemographic form covering housing damage, displacement, bereavement, children&#8217;s sleep and nutrition before and after the disaster, and access to healthcare. Parenting stress was measured with the Turkish adaptation of the Parental Stress Scale (PSS), while the parent–child relationship was assessed using the Child–Parent Relationship Scale (CPRS). Internal consistency was strong across the key subscales, with Cronbach&#8217;s alpha values of 0.80 for the PSS Stressor subscale, 0.73 for the CPRS Conflict subscale, and 0.75 for the CPRS Positive Relationship subscale.</p>
<p>From these instruments, the team constructed a composite vulnerability index. The psychosocial component standardized and averaged the PSS Stressor and CPRS Conflict scores, while the disaster-exposure component summed three binary indicators: housing damage, displacement, and loss of a loved one. The final continuous index combined the standardized psychosocial and exposure scores, and for visualization purposes the index was linearly rescaled to a 0-to-20 range while preserving its rank order. Convergent validity was confirmed through correlations with the anchor psychosocial measures, and known-groups validity was demonstrated by significantly different scores across housing damage, displacement, and bereavement categories.</p>
<p>The spatial analysis formed the study&#8217;s distinctive technical contribution. Working in ArcGIS Pro 3.6, the researchers created neighborhood boundary polygons and linked them to neighborhood-level summary statistics derived from the participant data. Earthquake intensity was represented by a polygon-based Mercalli intensity layer; neighborhood polygons were intersected with these intensity polygons, overlap areas were calculated, and an area-weighted mean Mercalli intensity value was assigned to each neighborhood. Because only five neighborhoods were available, the geospatial results were interpreted descriptively and exploratively rather than as formal spatial clustering or hotspot analysis. Even so, the mapped outputs revealed visible geographic variation, with certain neighborhoods showing notable outliers of elevated vulnerability against a broadly homogeneous distribution.</p>
<p>The statistical results were striking. In multiple linear regression, higher parental stress on the PSS Stressor subscale (β = +0.208, p = 0.009) and greater parent–child relational conflict on the CPRS Conflict subscale (β = +0.107, p = 0.048) were each significantly associated with higher vulnerability scores. Environmental and social adversities also mattered: housing damage (β = +0.086, p = 0.024), displacement (β = +0.114, p = 0.015), and loss of a loved one (β = +0.092, p = 0.033) all independently predicted greater vulnerability. Yet Syrian refugee status itself was not an independent predictor (β = +0.059, p = 0.352), and logistic regression models confirmed that refugee status did not increase the odds of belonging to the high-risk vulnerability group, defined by the upper quartile of the index distribution.</p>
<p>Mediation and moderation analyses added further precision. The researchers tested whether children&#8217;s sleep disturbances and nutrition problems transmitted the effect of parental stress onto vulnerability, but neither pathway reached statistical significance (ACME = −0.064, p = 0.884 for sleep; ACME = −0.070, p = 0.768 for nutrition). Similarly, bereavement did not moderate the relationship between parental stress and vulnerability (interaction β = −0.050, p = 0.151), although bereavement exerted a powerful direct effect on vulnerability (β = +1.24, p &lt; 0.001). In other words, losing a loved one dramatically raises a family&#8217;s vulnerability, but it does so without altering how parental stress operates within the household.</p>
<p>The study also documented profound disruption of children&#8217;s daily lives in both groups. Regular mealtimes collapsed from 84 percent to 28 percent among refugee families and from 92 percent to 46 percent among Turkish families. The proportion of children described as having very good nutrition fell from 56 to 20 percent in the refugee group and from 49 to 28 percent in the Turkish group, with refugee children showing more selective eating and repetitive food choices. Sleep patterns deteriorated in both communities after the disaster, with refugee mothers reporting &#8216;inability to sleep&#8217; in 12.2 percent of cases compared with just 2.2 percent among Turkish families. Healthcare access diverged even more sharply: only 14.3 percent of refugee families reported no change in child health monitoring after the earthquake, compared with 59.2 percent of Turkish families, while logistical problems and shortages of doctors were reported far more frequently by refugee households—evidence of systemic barriers that persisted even as the immediate emergency receded.</p>
<p>Interestingly, total parental stress was higher in the Turkish group, driven by the Parental Stressors and Lack of Control subscales, while positive emotional components such as parental reward and satisfaction did not differ between groups. The refugee group scored higher on the total CPRS, reflecting small but similarly directed increases in both conflict and positive-relationship dimensions—a pattern the authors interpret cautiously, suggesting it may indicate intensified family bonds during crisis, in which closeness and conflict rise together, or differing reporting tendencies rather than genuinely lower burden. The theoretical scaffolding of the study drew on the Eco-Biological Developmental model, Bronfenbrenner&#8217;s ecological systems framework, and Tronick&#8217;s stress-buffer transduction model, which together explain how caregiver stress can propagate behavioral and physiological changes to infants, making the mother–child dyad the critical unit of post-disaster resilience.</p>
<p>The authors are careful to frame the work&#8217;s limitations. The modest sample drawn from only five neighborhoods constrains generalizability and the strength of spatial inference, and convenience-based recruitment through health and community channels may introduce selection bias. The cross-sectional design precludes causal interpretation, and several earthquake-related variables rested on caregiver recall. Even so, the methodological message is clear: vulnerability after catastrophe is a spatially patterned, family-centered phenomenon, and effective recovery requires geographically informed, family-oriented interventions. Protecting routines—meals, sleep, healthcare follow-up—alongside psychosocial support and stress management may do more to reduce long-term harm than blanket aid distributed without regard to where and how need is concentrated. As climate pressures and seismic risk keep disasters on the global agenda, this neighborhood-level mapping approach offers a replicable template for directing scarce resources to the families who need them most.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Neighborhood-level spatial distribution of post-earthquake psychosocial vulnerability among Turkish and Syrian refugee mothers</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Spatial distribution of post-earthquake vulnerability among Turkish and Syrian refugee mothers: a neighborhood-level study</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Karadağ, M., Çalıkoğlu, E. O., Bulucu, B. B., Ruhm, F., Çalışgan, B., Coban, G. B., Erk, I., Otucu, E., Kurt, U. B., Chaban, Z., &amp; Koga, P. M. (2026). Spatial distribution of post-earthquake vulnerability among Turkish and Syrian refugee mothers: a neighborhood-level study. <em>Journal of Emergency and Disaster Medicine, 2</em>(1), Article 9. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44467-026-00013-0" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s44467-026-00013-0</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44467-026-00013-0" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s44467-026-00013-0</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> earthquake, Turkiye, Syrian refugees, maternal mental health, parental stress, GIS, vulnerability index, child sleep, nutrition disruption, healthcare access, disaster recovery, Gaziantep</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">201852</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Brief online parent program linked to lower child screen time and stress</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/brief-online-parent-program-linked-to-lower-child-screen-time-and-stress/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ophelia Keating]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2026 01:11:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[addressing problematic gaming via telehealth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ADHD]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[brief online interventions for child mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CAMHS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Child Mental Health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital intervention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[digital therapy for child behavioral issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effectiveness of family-centered digital health programs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[excessive screen use]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[family functioning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gaming Disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of parental guidance on children's screen habits]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health benefits of parent-focused digital programs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[online group therapy for families]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[online parent training programs for reducing children's screen time]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress reduction through online programs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parenting intervention for problematic gaming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parenting program]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[problematic gaming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reducing excessive internet use in children]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[screen time]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Swedish child health intervention studies]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=200368</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A brief Swedish online program for parents was associated with significantly lower child screen time and reduced parental stress in a clinical child and adolescent mental health population.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Parents of children struggling with excessive gaming and screen use may not need months of intensive therapy to see meaningful change, according to a new study from Sweden. Researchers at Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAMHS) clinics in Skåne evaluated a brief, digitally delivered, parent-focused program known as P-FAME, short for the Parental–Family-Centered Program for problematic gaming and excessive screen use. Their findings, published in Public Health in Practice, suggest that just three 90-minute online group sessions over five weeks were associated with a substantial drop in children&#8217;s weekly screen time and a measurable reduction in parental stress among clinically referred families.</p>
<p>The scale of the problem motivating the research is striking. In Sweden, most children use the internet daily, and a recent report estimated that roughly 94 percent of children aged 8 to 12 play online games every day. A substantial proportion exceed the screen time limits recommended by the Swedish Public Health Agency. While digital media and gaming can confer real benefits, heavy and poorly regulated engagement carries notable mental health risks. The study distinguishes between excessive screen use, which simply describes a high amount of use, and problematic screen use, defined as poorly regulated digital-media use associated with functional impairment or negative consequences in daily life, such as difficulties at school, in social relationships, or in psychological well-being. Both patterns have been linked to inattention, poorer academic performance, depression, anxiety, stress, and sleep disturbance. Beyond these, gaming disorder stands as a distinct diagnosis in the ICD-11, characterized by impaired control over gaming, increasing priority given to gaming, and continuation despite negative consequences.</p>
<p>What sets P-FAME apart from many existing interventions is its target audience. Intervention research has traditionally focused on children and adolescents as the primary recipients of treatment, potentially overlooking how parental responses, emotional well-being, and everyday interaction patterns contribute to screen-related difficulties. The program is grounded in learning theory, emotion theory, and systemic developmental perspectives, and it integrates psychoeducation, structured homework assignments, support for generalizing strategies to everyday contexts, and peer support delivered through brief lectures, guided exercises, and therapist-led parent discussions. Across three sessions, parents first receive psychoeducation on screen use and its possible consequences, then learn to identify the behavioral functions, maintaining factors, and conflict triggers associated with their child&#8217;s screen use, and finally work on strategies to prevent and manage screen-related conflict, with emphasis on constructive family communication.</p>
<p>The study used a prospective single-group pre–post feasibility design. Participants were recruited from CAMHS outpatient clinics in Skåne during spring and autumn 2025, with clinicians informing families reporting screen-related difficulties about the study. Eligible participants were parents of children aged 6 to 12 who reported family difficulties related to the child&#8217;s screen use, spoke and understood Swedish, and had stable internet access. Three cohorts of families participated between April and November 2025, and questionnaires were administered two weeks before and two weeks after the intervention. In total, 29 parents of 22 children took part, with the children averaging 10.6 years of age. Notably, 95.5 percent of the children were boys, and 59.1 percent had an ADHD diagnosis, reflecting the profile of families seeking help for screen-related problems in this clinical setting.</p>
<p>The results were encouraging on several fronts. Attendance was high, with 52 percent of parents attending all three sessions and an average of 2.48 sessions completed, suggesting the online group format was feasible within routine outpatient care. On the primary outcomes, child weekly screen time fell by an adjusted 1,400 minutes per week after accounting for clustering within families, a difference that was highly statistically significant. Parent-reported screen time dropped from an average of roughly 3,509 minutes per week at baseline to about 1,936 minutes at post-intervention. Parental stress also declined significantly, with the total Parental Stress Scale score falling by 2.4 points and the stress subscale by 2.3 points. The largest standardized effect was observed for child weekly screen time, with a Cohen&#8217;s d of −1.81, followed by parental stress.</p>
<p>Not every outcome moved, however. Overall family functioning, measured with the SCORE-15 questionnaire covering family strengths, difficulties, and communication, did not change significantly from baseline to post-intervention. Reported screen-related rules, parental satisfaction, and most other secondary outcomes also remained statistically unchanged. The researchers note that a brief program may first influence concrete routines and parental stress, whereas broader relational functioning may require longer or more intensive family work, or simply more time before change becomes detectable. It is also possible that the SCORE-15 was insufficiently sensitive to short-term change in this context.</p>
<p>The team also explored whether a child&#8217;s ADHD diagnosis or age moderated the observed changes. Neither factor significantly altered the pre–post differences in the interaction models, with p-values ranging from 0.06 to 0.66. One age-by-timepoint interaction for family communication approached conventional statistical significance, with a descriptive pattern of greater reported improvement among younger than older children. The authors caution that the absence of significant moderation may reflect limited statistical power, restricted age variation, or measurement limitations, and that childhood includes age-sensitive periods for executive-function development, making age and self-regulatory capacity clinically plausible candidates for tailoring parent-mediated interventions in future, larger studies.</p>
<p>The researchers are careful about what these findings can and cannot establish. Because the study used a single-group pre–post design without a control condition, causal attribution is not possible; regression to the mean, expectancy effects, concurrent treatment, seasonal variation, and natural changes in family routines cannot be ruled out. Moreover, because parents received the intervention and reported many of the outcomes, expectancy effects, social desirability, and heightened awareness of screen use may have influenced the results, particularly for children under ten, for whom only parental reports were available. The measure of screen-related rules captured reported rule presence rather than enforcement, compliance, or effectiveness. The skewed gender distribution, with primarily boys and mothers participating, may also limit generalizability. The authors frame P-FAME as a promising low-threshold approach warranting further controlled evaluation rather than an established, scalable service model.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the clinical implications are significant. The observed reduction in screen time is theoretically meaningful given the documented associations between excessive screen use and inattention, poorer academic performance, depression, anxiety, stress, and sleep disruption, although its clinical meaning ultimately depends on what activities replaced screen time and whether the changes are sustained. The drop in parental stress is compatible with the possibility that structured guidance, peer support, and practical tools enhance parents&#8217; perceived control, though this interpretation remains tentative. The study&#8217;s strengths include the use of standardized, validated measures, the inclusion of both parent and older-child perspectives, and delivery within a routine clinical digital format using Sweden&#8217;s Amni Care platform, with the Screens-Q questionnaire distributed in paper format.</p>
<p>Looking ahead, the research team calls for larger, more diverse trials with comparison conditions and longer follow-up periods to replicate the observed changes and test the mechanisms behind them. Future work could examine whether parent guidance can be tailored to baseline screen-use patterns, parental stress, child developmental stage, ADHD status, family functioning, or rule-setting practices, potentially leveraging personalization, real-time adaptive monitoring, and multimodal data integration, with attention to privacy and family burden. Implementation outcomes such as acceptability, engagement, adherence, technical access, and delivery fidelity also deserve explicit evaluation, since digital formats reduce access barriers but vary widely in effectiveness. Finally, because the study was conducted exclusively in a clinical CAMHS population, the authors recommend assessing P-FAME&#8217;s transferability to school health services, primary care, social services, and preventive settings before its reach can be extended beyond specialist mental health care. For now, the message for overstretched clinics and worried parents alike is cautiously optimistic: a short, online, parent-centered program may offer an accessible first step toward healthier family screen habits.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> A digital parent-focused intervention for problematic gaming and excessive screen use in children attending child and adolescent mental health services</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Effectiveness of the digital parental-family-centered program for problematic gaming and screen use in a clinical child and adolescent population</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Claesdotter-Knutsson, E., Wilts, S., Werner, M., André, F., &amp; Andersson, M. J. (2026). Effectiveness of the digital parental-family-centered program for problematic gaming and screen use in a clinical child and adolescent population. <em>Public Health in Practice, 12</em>, Article 100848. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.puhip.2026.100848" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1016/j.puhip.2026.100848</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.puhip.2026.100848" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1016/j.puhip.2026.100848</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> problematic gaming, excessive screen use, parenting program, child mental health, CAMHS, digital intervention, parental stress, family functioning, gaming disorder, ADHD, screen time, public health</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">200368</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Icelandic Scientists Validate a New Tool to Detect Parental Burnout</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/icelandic-scientists-validate-a-new-tool-to-detect-parental-burnout/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ophelia Keating]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 11:48:22 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[childhood development and parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[confirmatory factor analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-cultural adaptation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iceland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Icelandic family health studies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Icelandic health research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Icelandic parental burnout validation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health challenges for parents]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[occupational therapy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[occupational therapy in parenting]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental burnout]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parental Burnout Assessment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parental Burnout Assessment tool]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental burnout risk factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental mental health screening]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental stress]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parenting stress measurement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[perceived support]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[personal causation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychometric validation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[validation of psychological instruments]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=193942</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Icelandic researchers have translated and validated the Parental Burnout Assessment, finding that nearly 14 percent of parents are at risk of or experiencing burnout and that perceived support and personal causation are decisive factors.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Parental burnout has quietly become one of the most consequential yet under-recognised health challenges facing modern families, and researchers in Iceland have now taken a significant step toward confronting it. In a study published in the Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy, a team from the University of Akureyri translated, adapted and validated the Parental Burnout Assessment for Icelandic use, creating a psychometrically robust instrument known as the PBA-IS. The work, led by Helga Sif Pétursdóttir with colleagues Eva Halapi and Björg Thordardottir, involved 1,110 parents from across the country and provides clinicians with a reliable means of identifying parents at risk of, or already experiencing, a condition linked to sleep disorders, addictive behaviours, suicidal thoughts, and even child neglect and violence.</p>
<p>Parental burnout differs fundamentally from work-related burnout, despite sharing some surface symptoms. Unlike employment, parenting offers no clock-out boundary, no weekend, and no formal resignation procedure. The role is continuous, ever-present, and often takes precedence over every other responsibility in adult life. Occupational scientists have noted that the parenting role encompasses more than one hundred distinct occupations, spanning the fulfilment of children&#8217;s fundamental, developmental and social needs. When these overlapping demands are frequently interrupted and never fully discharged, perceived health suffers. Chronic stress within the parental role can accumulate until it produces the four dimensions that define parental burnout: exhaustion in one&#8217;s parental role, a contrast with one&#8217;s previous parental self, feelings of being fed up with the parental role, and emotional distancing from one&#8217;s children.</p>
<p>The Parental Burnout Assessment, originally developed by Roskam and colleagues on the basis of testimonies from burned-out parents, measures these dimensions through 23 items rated on a seven-point Likert scale from never to every day, yielding a maximum score of 138 points. Established cut-off scores allow clinicians to distinguish risk from diagnosis: a score of 53 or higher indicates a parent at risk, while 86 or above suggests burnout. The instrument&#8217;s four-factor structure has been validated in numerous countries and translated into languages including Finnish, Swedish, Polish and Chinese. The Icelandic team followed a rigorous cross-cultural adaptation protocol, obtaining permission from the original authors, conducting independent forward translations by two occupational therapists and an expert with more than two decades of field experience, reconciling the drafts, back-translating into English with native speakers, and consulting the National Queer Organisation of Iceland to ensure culturally sensitive terminology.</p>
<p>The translation process also incorporated cognitive interviews with five parents deliberately selected to represent diverse family structures, including mothers and fathers, single-parent households, families with one to four children of varying ages, different educational levels, and both working and non-working parents. Because all participants comprehended the items similarly, no additional interviews were required. The final Icelandic version preserved all 23 items in their original order. Data collection then proceeded through two convenience sampling channels: paediatric nurses at ten child health centres across Iceland distributed study information with a QR code for a web-based questionnaire, and the study was promoted through Icelandic social media groups. Data were gathered over four weeks in March and April 2023, and the study received approval from the National Bioethics Committee of Iceland.</p>
<p>After applying inclusion criteria requiring at least one child living at home and residence in Iceland, the final analytical sample comprised 1,063 parents, of whom 88.9 percent were mothers. Most participants were married or cohabiting, nearly half lived in the capital region, and more than two-thirds held university degrees. The mean age was 35.3 years for women and 37.3 years for men. The researchers assessed structural validity using confirmatory factor analysis with a diagonally weighted least squares estimator, chosen because tests of multivariate skewness and kurtosis indicated that normality could not be assumed. They compared a one-factor model, a four-factor model and a second-order model in which an overall burnout factor explains the relationships among the four subscales.</p>
<p>The results provided strong support for the original four-factor structure. The comparative fit index and Tucker-Lewis index exceeded 0.95 for both the four-factor and second-order models, and post-hoc modification of residual covariances brought the root mean square error of approximation down to 0.059 and the standardised root mean square residual to 0.044. Standardised factor loadings for the first-order model ranged between 0.7 and 0.9, while second-order loadings reached between 0.90 and 0.96, all significant at the 0.001 level. Internal consistency was excellent, with Cronbach&#8217;s alpha reaching 0.96 for the total scale and values above 0.9 for the exhaustion and contrast subscales, though the three-item distancing subscale showed the lowest reliability. One item concerning lost direction in the parental role showed cross-loadings with the exhaustion dimension, which the authors attribute to nuances in translation and suggest could be improved with slight rephrasing.</p>
<p>Prevalence estimates from the Icelandic sample were striking. Using the recommended cut-offs, 10.1 percent of parents scored between 53 and 85 points, placing them at risk of parental burnout, while 3.8 percent scored 86 or higher, meeting the threshold for burnout. This overall rate is lower than figures reported in some other European countries such as Finland and Poland. Notably, the gap between mothers and fathers was smaller than in much of the previous international literature, with burnout rates of 3.6 percent among mothers and 2.7 percent among fathers. The researchers suggest this may reflect Iceland&#8217;s progressive family policies, which promote active father involvement in early childcare through generous parental leave arrangements. Older parents also exhibited lower burnout levels, consistent with the idea that accumulated life experience fosters a more balanced perspective on parenting challenges.</p>
<p>The study went beyond validation to explore which factors predict burnout, drawing on the Value and Meaning in Occupation model, a framework used in Scandinavian burnout rehabilitation that examines how personal factors, environment and the perceived value of daily activities shape occupational engagement. A hierarchical three-step regression analysis revealed that demographic variables alone explained only 1.6 percent of the variance in burnout scores. Adding the number of children at home and the presence of a child with special needs raised explained variance to 7.7 percent. The decisive contribution came from perceived support, personal causation and parental diagnosis, which together lifted the final model to 43.9 percent of explained variance. Personal causation, a core concept in occupational therapy referring to an individual&#8217;s sense of self-efficacy and perceived capacity, correlated strongly and positively with burnout, meaning that parents who doubted their own abilities scored substantially higher on the burnout measure.</p>
<p>The findings carry practical weight for clinical practice. Single parents, non-working parents receiving disability benefits or rehabilitation pensions, parents of children with special needs, and parents with diagnoses such as ADHD, ADD or autism all showed elevated burnout levels, while perceived support emerged as a clear protective factor. The authors argue that occupational therapists are uniquely positioned to help, because parental burnout rarely arises from a single cause but from a complex accumulation of occupational imbalances that compound over time. By assessing individual, task and environmental factors holistically, therapists can help parents reduce stressors, strengthen coping skills and rebuild their sense of capacity within the parenting role. The PBA-IS now enables early identification in Icelandic clinical settings, supporting interventions that reduce stress, promote mental health and enhance wellbeing for entire families. Future research, the team suggests, should pursue more diverse samples, validate a shorter five-item screening scale for use in child health services, and develop occupational therapy-specific instruments for measuring personal causation in parents.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Cross-cultural translation and psychometric validation of the Parental Burnout Assessment for Icelandic parents</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Icelandic translation, adaptation and validation of the Parental Burnout Assessment (PBA-IS)</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Pétursdóttir, H. S., Halapi, E., &amp; Thordardottir, B. (2025). Icelandic translation, adaptation and validation of the Parental Burnout Assessment (PBA-IS). <em>Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy, 32</em>(1), Article 2453479. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/11038128.2025.2453479" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1080/11038128.2025.2453479</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/11038128.2025.2453479" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1080/11038128.2025.2453479</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> parental burnout, Parental Burnout Assessment, psychometric validation, Iceland, occupational therapy, confirmatory factor analysis, personal causation, parental stress, cross-cultural adaptation, mental health, perceived support, Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">193942</post-id>	</item>
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