Dissociation, as defined in the DSM-5-TR, is a disruption in the normally integrated functions of consciousness, memory, identity, emotion, and perception. It ranges from mild, everyday experiences such as highway hypnosis to severe psychopathology in which parts of the self operate outside awareness or even take executive control. Clinicians have long understood dissociation as a defense against overwhelming stress or abuse — a way of compartmentalizing experience to avoid psychological annihilation. But when these mechanisms persist, they can impair emotional processing, fragment identity, and, according to a growing body of evidence, feed directly into depressive illness. Roughly twelve percent of Australians experience a depressive episode in their lifetime, a figure strikingly close to the roughly ten percent lifetime prevalence of dissociative disorders, and the two conditions overlap far more often than diagnostic manuals acknowledge.

The new study, led by Mary-Anne Kate of Southern Cross University with colleagues Benjamin Dixon, David L. Hegarty, and Benjamin Buchanan, drew on de-identified routine clinical assessment data from the NovoPsych platform. Clients completed two well-validated instruments: the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales-21 (DASS-21), which grades depressive symptoms into normal, mild, moderate, severe, and extremely severe bands, and the Multidimensional Inventory of Dissociation-60 (MID-60), a 60-item measure adapted from Dell’s original 218-item diagnostic instrument. The MID-60 assesses eleven dissociative domains — from depersonalization and derealization to flashbacks, trance, persecutory intrusions, and identity confusion — and expresses scores as the percentage of time a person spends experiencing dissociative symptoms, with a score of 21 percent marking clinically significant dissociation and 31 percent suggesting a more complex dissociative presentation.

The headline result is stark. Depression and dissociation were strongly correlated (r = .50), and a Welch’s one-way ANOVA showed that depression severity category alone accounted for 23 percent of the variance in dissociation scores. Every severity group differed significantly from every other. Clients with moderate-or-above depression had fivefold greater odds of clinically significant dissociation than those with normal or mild symptoms (OR = 5.05). The average MID-60 score exceeded the clinical threshold in the moderate and severe groups, and the extremely severe group averaged in the range associated with complex dissociative disorder presentations. The gap between the normal and extremely severe groups was enormous: a difference of nearly 24 points on the MID-60 mean, an effect size of d = 1.51.

Perhaps most striking, 61.7 percent of clients with moderate-or-above depression scored at or above the MID-60 clinical threshold, and 68.8 percent met a probable symptom profile suggestive of a DSM-5-TR dissociative disorder or the dissociative subtype of PTSD. Overall, probable dissociative profiles rose from 27.4 percent in the normal depression group to 81.3 percent in the extremely severe group. The pattern was strongest for the more complex presentations — probable OSDD-1 profiles (24 percent) outnumbered probable DID profiles (14 percent) among those with moderate-or-above depression — while circumscribed profiles such as depersonalization/derealization disorder showed little or no elevation, likely because they are assigned only when broader post-traumatic configurations have been ruled out.

Which dissociative symptoms track depression most closely? Self-confusion topped the list (r = .56), followed by depersonalization/derealization (r = .45), flashbacks (r = .44), persecutory intrusions (r = .42), severe memory problems (r = .42), and trance (r = .39). Depression had only a very weak association with psychogenic seizures (r = .10), though even here moderate-or-above depression doubled the odds of the symptom. Nearly three-quarters of clients with moderate-or-above depression reported clinically significant flashbacks, 58 percent reported significant depersonalization or derealization, and half reported clinically significant somatic or conversion-type body symptoms. Notably, the profile analyses suggested that flashbacks and somatic symptoms were tied to depression primarily when they occurred within broader dissociative constellations, rather than as isolated PTSD-type or functional neurological presentations.

These findings land in the middle of a long-running scientific debate about what dissociation actually means within depression. Depersonalization and derealization were described as features of depression in psychiatric texts from 1900 to 1960 — including Petrilowitsch’s 1956 concept of “estrangement depression” — yet they vanished from modern classification systems. Recent evidence suggests that removal was premature. A five-year follow-up of a German population cohort found that depressed individuals with co-occurring depersonalization had markedly worse outcomes: only 6.9 percent achieved remission, and depersonalization more than doubled the risk of depression recurrence or persistence. A Serbian study found nearly half of depressed individuals had clinically significant depersonalization, with more severe and enduring illness. Phenomenological research has independently found that people with depression describe feeling disembodied, mechanical, estranged from the world, and cut off from their own narrative identity — experiences that map closely onto dissociation.

The Australian results also echo findings from around the world. In a large Chinese-speaking sample, 35 percent of depressed individuals showed clinically significant dissociation, with higher rates among those with childhood trauma. An international study found more than 60 percent of depressed participants had clinically significant dissociative symptoms, with 90.5 percent reporting at least one clinically significant symptom — and the dissociation-depression link persisted even after controlling for trauma. A Finnish general-population study using the DES-T found pathological dissociation in 1.6 percent of people with normal mood but 25 percent of those with moderate depression and 38 percent of those with severe depression — a ninefold increase. In Türkiye, over 40 percent of women with major depression had a lifetime dissociative disorder. The convergence across Finland, China, Serbia, Germany, Latvia, Taiwan, and now Australia, using different measures in different languages, suggests the association is not a cultural artifact.

The findings give fresh empirical support to the concept of “dissociative depression” proposed by Turkish researcher Vedat Şar — a chronic, complex mood disorder in which intermittent major depressive episodes intertwine with dissociative phenomena, identity disturbance, somatic symptoms such as pseudoseizures, severe concentration and memory impairments, and psychotic-like features, all rooted in high exposure to childhood abuse and neglect. A latent-class analysis of Chinese male inmates found a distinct “dissociative depression” class comprising about one-fifth of those with depressive symptoms, showing the highest levels of depression, dissociation, PTSD, borderline personality symptoms, and emotion-regulation difficulties. The new Australian data align with key elements of this picture: depression severity was linked most strongly to broad dissociative constellations — especially OSDD-1 and DID-type profiles — and to disturbances of self and agency such as persecutory and angry intrusions, rather than to narrow, circumscribed dissociative syndromes.

The authors are careful to note that three interpretations remain possible, and they are not mutually exclusive: dissociation and depression may simply co-occur as comorbid conditions sharing trauma-related vulnerabilities; dissociative features may be intrinsic, underrecognized aspects of some depressive presentations; or a distinct dissociative subtype of depression may exist. Longitudinal work hints at directionality — dissociation predicts later depressive symptoms, but not the reverse — and comorbid depression tends to persist when the underlying dissociation goes untreated. The clinical stakes are high: depressed individuals with co-occurring dissociation experience greater suicidality and poorer responses to conventional treatment, while trauma-focused therapies tailored for dissociative clients have been shown to reduce dissociation, depression, and suicidal ideation together. The study’s main limitation is that the MID-60 is typically administered when dissociation is suspected or before trauma-focused interventions such as EMDR, likely skewing the sample toward trauma histories. Even so, the message for clinicians is hard to ignore: routine screening for dissociation in depression — particularly when symptoms are treatment-resistant, complex, or trauma-related — could sharpen diagnosis and unlock more targeted, more effective treatment for millions of patients who feel, in their own words, that they no longer feel like themselves.

Subject of Research: The relationship between dissociative symptoms and depression severity in a clinical population

Article Title: I don’t feel like myself: mapping dissociative symptoms across depression severity in a clinical population

Article References: Kate, M.-A., Dixon, B., Hegarty, D. L., & Buchanan, B. (2026). I don’t feel like myself: mapping dissociative symptoms across depression severity in a clinical population. Current Psychology, 45(19), Article 1583. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-026-10128-2

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s12144-026-10128-2

Keywords: dissociation, depression, dissociative disorders, depersonalization, derealization, trauma, MID-60, DASS-21, dissociative depression, clinical psychology, PTSD, screening