The study employed a qualitative exploratory approach, gathering primary data through semi-structured interviews with 14 gig workers involved in food and grocery delivery, freelancing, teaching and taxi driving across urban and peri-urban areas of Kashmir. Participants were recruited through purposive non-probability sampling and had all been engaged in gig work for at least twelve months. Thirteen of the fourteen participants were male, reflecting gendered limitations in mobility and access to technology, and most were young, unmarried and educated to secondary or higher-secondary level. Interviews were conducted in English, Urdu or Kashmiri according to participant preference, transcribed verbatim, translated with careful cross-checking, and analyzed using NVivo 12 software with reflexive thematic analysis.

The analysis identified six interrelated dimensions shaping the gig workers’ experiences: income instability, platform control mechanisms, lack of social security, perceived flexibility of work, region-specific uncertainties and coping strategies. Income instability emerged as the most frequently reported concern, mentioned 31 times across the interviews. Workers described monthly earnings that fluctuated dramatically with season, day of the week and platform demand, meaning that even full-time engagement did not guarantee a predictable livelihood. One food and grocery delivery worker explained that there were weeks when he could cover all household expenses comfortably and weeks when he barely made half of what he needed, forcing him to give up his own necessities during sparse periods and leaving him unable to plan anything.

Platform control mechanisms, cited 24 times, constituted the second dominant theme. Participants complained about opaque task allocation, commission rates that changed without warning, and rating systems that penalized them without explanation or any possibility of appeal. A taxi driver described the algorithms as a black box, noting that a single bad rating could tank his assignments for a week straight and that he could not negotiate anything or appeal any decision. A freelancer reported that his share of earnings dropped from 60 percent to 40 percent between months without notification, describing the experience as balancing on a wire that keeps moving. These accounts align with international scholarship on algorithmic management, which characterizes digital platforms as exercising organizational control through technology rather than direct supervision, shifting power decisively toward the platform.

The absence of social security haunted nearly every conversation. Workers reported no health benefits, no paid leave, no protection from sudden account bans and no formal grievance mechanisms to fall back on during illness, accidents or periods of forced inactivity. A teacher participant stated that if she got sick, she did not earn, with zero health coverage and zero sick leaves, and that every task felt temporary, an uncertainty that impacted her mental health. A taxi driver compared gig work to walking on ice, where any little error could ruin everything, in stark contrast to formal jobs that offer some protection. The researchers interpret these findings through the lens of Risk Shift Theory, which holds that economic and employment risks once borne by employers are now transferred to individual workers, a transfer felt most acutely in regions where alternative livelihoods are few.

Yet the picture is not uniformly bleak. Perceived flexibility, mentioned 15 times, was described as a core advantage of gig work. Workers valued the ability to choose when and how much to work, which allowed students and part-time employees to manage education, family duties and other commitments. A delivery worker explained that the freedom to arrange her schedule around household needs and childcare would not be possible in an office job, and that when income was uncertain, the ability to manage her schedule was priceless. However, participants consistently noted that this autonomy was limited by platform incentives and changing demand rather than constituting true independence, echoing the scholarly argument that gig work is fraught with a contradiction between autonomy and insecurity rather than being either freedom or exploitation.

The study also documented how gig work contributes to the regional economy, a theme raised 13 times. Participants noted that platforms provide services such as food delivery, grocery delivery, ride-hailing, home repair and tutoring that would otherwise be scarce in Kashmir, where formal service systems are weak. Gig work creates income opportunities for young people and students, easing short-term unemployment, and helps local businesses gain visibility and reach more customers through digital channels. A taxi driver described feeling part of something bigger, earning while supporting the community and learning skills such as time management and customer handling. A freelancer emphasized that the work opened opportunities for people who cannot find stable employment, allowing them to gain experience without leaving their hometown.

Coping strategies, mentioned 10 times, revealed considerable worker agency in the face of structural constraints. Participants described working across multiple platforms simultaneously, diversifying the services they offered, monitoring peak demand times, adjusting their schedules, and relying on informal peer networks to exchange tips about areas, difficult customers and ways to reduce idle time. One taxi driver explained that he used three apps so he always had jobs, learning peak hours and busiest spots to keep his income alive. These adaptive practices demonstrate that gig workers are not passive victims of precarity but actively negotiate the challenges of platform labour, consistent with global research on worker resilience in digital labour markets.

The researchers ground their findings in an integrated theoretical framework combining Regional Labour Market Theory, Regulatory Governance Theory, Digital Labour Theory and Risk Shift Theory. Regional Labour Market Theory explains why Kashmiris enter and remain in gig work: the presence of very few formal job opportunities, lack of industrialization, high youth unemployment and economic uncertainty leave few alternatives. Regulatory Governance Theory describes the institutional context, where limited or unclear labour protections allow platforms to exert significant control over terms of engagement, payment and dispute settlement. Digital Labour Theory explains how platform technologies structure task allocation, pricing, visibility and performance evaluation, while Risk Shift Theory accounts for the personal experience of wage fluctuations, low-demand periods and work continuity uncertainty. The framework traces a chain from regional labour market conditions and regulatory structures through digital governance and work organization to the distribution of economic risks and, ultimately, workers’ employment experiences and coping strategies.

The study situates itself within India’s broader gig economy trajectory. According to NITI Aayog, India had approximately 7.7 million gig and platform workers in 2020-21, with an expected increase to 23.5 million by 2029-30, driven by digital penetration, smartphone access and the platformization of service sectors. In Kashmir, however, the implications of platformization differ because of variability in employment opportunities, infrastructure, demand for services and institutional conditions across territories. The authors argue that gig work should not be considered merely a technological phenomenon but a socioeconomic transformation shaped by local rules, governance gaps and regional problems, pushing the discussion about gig labour beyond metropolitan economies and the global north.

The findings carry significant implications for platform managers, policymakers and workers themselves. Platform managers are urged to recognize that opaque algorithms, changing fees and poor complaint mechanisms make workers feel unsafe, and that transparent task assignments, predictable earnings and accessible dispute resolution can build trust and platform longevity. Policymakers are called upon to create region-sensitive labour rules that account for the situations of gig workers in Kashmir, ensuring income adequacy, insurance and accountability without stifling platform flexibility or innovation. The authors recommend stronger regulatory governance, clearer platform rules, social protection that includes all gig workers, training programs and measures to make gig work more accessible to women and younger people.

For workers, the study highlights the importance of adaptive strategies such as using multiple platforms, learning new skills and building peer networks to deal with income changes. Local organizations can help by providing financial advice, skills training and information about workers’ rights. Consumers and local businesses also influence working conditions through fair ratings and responsible engagement. The authors acknowledge limitations, noting that the participant group was mostly male, providing little information about how women experience gig work in Kashmir, and that the single-region qualitative design limits generalizability. Future research should compare regions, include more women and marginalized groups, and follow workers over time to understand how gig employment evolves in areas where the labour market is weak.

In conclusion, the study portrays the gig economy in Kashmir as a labour system that increases access to jobs while normalizing vulnerability. The delicate equilibrium between flexibility and security, innovation and regulation, and technology and well-being will shape the future of gig work. With proper structure and oversight, the authors argue, the sector can shift from being a risky way to earn a living into a stable and useful path that helps people earn money, grow their skills and support the local economy, ensuring that no one is left behind in the changing world of work.

Subject of Research: Gig economy labour dynamics and work culture among informal platform workers in Kashmir

Article Title: Gig informal workers and changing work culture in Kashmir

Article References: Sofi, S. A., Najar, S. A., Zargar, W. A., Gani, S. H., Qureshi, F., Amoozegar, A., Khawaja, S., Ahmad, L., Tilwani, S. A., & Khan, B. A. (2026). Gig informal workers and changing work culture in Kashmir. Discover Global Society, 4(1), Article 276. https://doi.org/10.1007/s44282-026-00606-0

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s44282-026-00606-0

Keywords: gig economy, informal workers, Kashmir, platform labour, algorithmic management, social security, income instability, digital labour, labour policy, qualitative research, NVivo, work flexibility