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	<title>fractional logit &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>fractional logit &#8211; Science</title>
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
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		<title>Social Ties, Not Floods, Decide Whether Rural Households Bounce Back, Sichuan Survey Finds</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/social-ties-not-floods-decide-whether-rural-households-bounce-back-sichuan-survey-finds/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Violet Maxwell]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 19 Oct 2026 12:34:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Science News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[buffering capacity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[community social safety nets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disaster resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effects of weak social ties on disaster resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[flood risk management in China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[floods]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[fractional logit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[household survey]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of social capital on rural households]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[importance of social fabric in disaster resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[livelihood resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[livelihood risk]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[livelihood risks in rural China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rural community vulnerability to floods]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rural flood resilience]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rural household recovery after floods]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rural households]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sichuan flood impact study]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sichuan Province]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social capital]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social networks and disaster recovery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social risk factors in disaster recovery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainable food systems]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=312354</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A survey of 540 rural households in flood-prone Sichuan Province finds that social risk, not environmental hazard, shows the most consistent negative association with livelihood resilience.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When floods sweep through rural China, the damage is rarely measured only in drowned crops and ruined homes. A new study of 540 farming households in Sichuan Province suggests that the deepest erosion happens somewhere less visible: in the social fabric that families rely on when everything else fails. The research, published in Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems, finds that among four distinct categories of livelihood risk, it is social risk — thin networks, weak community standing, missing safety nets — that shows the most consistent and damaging association with a household&#8217;s capacity to withstand and recover from shocks.</p>
<p>The study, led by Tao Liu of Xi&#8217;an University of Architecture &amp; Technology Huaqing College together with colleagues at Xi&#8217;an University of Architecture and Technology, surveyed households across three flood-prone counties: Gaoxian, Jiajiang, and Yuechi. These are not abstract case studies. Jiajiang County endured the largest flood since hydrological records began in 1955 during the &#8220;8.18&#8221; flood of 2020, which affected more than 118,000 residents. Yuechi County suffered rainstorm floods in July 2014 that touched all 44 of its towns and affected 460,000 people. Gaoxian saw flooding in 2019 that damaged over 6,100 hectares of crops. In short, the households in this sample live with flood risk as a recurring fact of life, not a hypothetical one.</p>
<p>The researchers structured their inquiry around a well-established framework in livelihood research. Livelihood resilience — a household&#8217;s ability to absorb disturbances and keep functioning — was decomposed into three capacities: buffering ability, meaning the land, labor, assets, and income a family can draw on when livelihood is disrupted; self-organization ability, meaning the capacity to mobilize collective action, community resources, and reciprocal relationships; and learning ability, meaning the knowledge and skills that widen a household&#8217;s options when conditions change. On the risk side, the team measured four dimensions: health, environmental, financial, and social risk, each built from multiple survey indicators.</p>
<p>The data came from face-to-face interviews conducted in July 2021 across nine towns and twenty-seven villages, using a stratified, multi-stage random sampling design. Respondents averaged 58.5 years of age with roughly 6.7 years of schooling, and 70 percent reported that weather had damaged their crops. The researchers weighted indicators using the coefficient of variation method, an objective statistical approach that assigns greater weight to indicators showing more variation across households, and then modeled the relationship between risk scores and resilience scores using fractional logit regression with county fixed effects. Because the dependent variables were proportions bounded between zero and one, this model class avoids the distortions that ordinary linear regression can introduce at the boundaries.</p>
<p>The headline result is stark. Social risk was negatively associated with all three component capacities and with overall livelihood resilience, with statistical significance at the 1 percent or 5 percent level across the adjusted models. In practical terms, a one-standard-deviation increase in the social risk index was associated with measurable declines in buffering, self-organization, learning, and overall resilience. The authors are careful to stress that these are cross-sectional associations, not causal effects — the data capture a single moment in time, so the direction of the relationship cannot be pinned down. But the consistency of the pattern across every outcome the team tested is difficult to dismiss.</p>
<p>Health risk told a more partial story. It was negatively associated with self-organization capacity at the 10 percent significance level and with overall livelihood resilience at the 5 percent level, but showed no statistically reliable association with buffering or learning capacity. This aligns with a well-documented mechanism: serious illness drains labor capacity, generates medical expenses, and shifts caregiving burdens onto healthy family members, undermining the social and organizational dimensions of a household&#8217;s livelihood without necessarily depleting its physical assets. The authors interpret this as limited, outcome-specific support for their hypothesis rather than a general relationship.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most counterintuitive finding concerns money. Financial risk appeared positively associated with overall livelihood resilience in the baseline model — a result that seems, on its face, to suggest that financial strain somehow strengthens households. The robustness checks dismantled that interpretation. When the team recalculated the financial risk index excluding loan-amount indicators, the positive association vanished. The explanation lies in what loan amounts actually measure: a household carrying substantial formal and informal borrowing may be under debt pressure, or it may simply have good access to credit because lenders trust it. Those two channels push resilience in opposite directions, and the index could not separate them. The authors explicitly warn against reading the result as encouragement for more borrowing.</p>
<p>Environmental risk — the category covering floods, extreme weather, pollution, soil erosion, and crop pests — showed no statistically significant association with any resilience outcome. This null result is striking given the study area&#8217;s flood history, and the authors resist over-explaining it. They note that possible contributors, such as survey timing, limited variation in reported exposure, or the breadth of the perception-based environmental index, were not directly tested. They also point to disaster research showing that household welfare often recovers over time as assets are rebuilt and assistance arrives, which can flatten the apparent cross-sectional relationship between hazard exposure and resilience. The finding should be read as a null association within this sample and measurement framework, not as evidence that environmental hazards do not matter.</p>
<p>Methodologically, the study took unusual care with inference. Standard errors were clustered at the village level across the twenty-seven villages, and significance was assessed using wild cluster bootstrap procedures with 1,000 replications — a technique designed for settings where the number of clusters is too small for conventional clustered standard errors to be trustworthy. The team also ran robustness checks replacing the fractional logit with ordinary least squares, switching to equal weighting for the indices, and excluding potentially overlapping indicators. Social and health risk results held up across these variations; the financial result did not. The authors also acknowledged a conceptual wrinkle: some social-risk indicators sit close to the self-organization measures, which is precisely why they frame their policy suggestions as priorities for further local assessment rather than prescriptions.</p>
<p>For policymakers in flood-exposed rural regions, the practical takeaway is a reordering of priorities. The strongest signal points toward strengthening social support structures — identifying households with weak family or community ties, limited access to formal assistance, or low trust in local channels, and reviewing whether existing aid is actually known, reachable, and available when floods strike. The weaker health signal supports a cautious review of village health services and the needs of families facing serious illness. The financial findings argue for recording loan use, repayment difficulty, and default risk separately before proposing credit policies. And the environmental null result, paradoxically, is a call for more evidence rather than less action: local hazard exposure and program performance need direct study before subsidies or preparedness programs can be justified by this data. What the study ultimately demonstrates is that livelihood risk is not one number. Treating it as a single aggregate score, the authors conclude, conceals patterns that matter — and in the villages of Sichuan, the pattern that matters most is social.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Associations between multidimensional livelihood risks and livelihood resilience among rural households in Sichuan Province, China</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Livelihood risks and resilience of rural households: evidence from Sichuan Province, China</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Liu, T., Zhao, T., Tian, J., Zhao, S., Zeng, T., Xu, L., &amp; Liu, W. (2026). Livelihood risks and resilience of rural households: evidence from Sichuan Province, China. <em>Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems, 10</em>, Article 1934397. <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fsufs.2026.1934397" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.3389/fsufs.2026.1934397</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fsufs.2026.1934397" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.3389/fsufs.2026.1934397</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> livelihood resilience, livelihood risk, rural households, Sichuan Province, floods, social capital, fractional logit, China, household survey, disaster resilience, sustainable food systems, buffering capacity</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">312354</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Irrigation, Roads and Cluster Farming Drive Wheat Market Shift in Ethiopia</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/irrigation-roads-and-cluster-farming-drive-wheat-market-shift-in-ethiopia/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Alan Morgan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 11 Sep 2026 00:23:56 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[access to credit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Amhara region]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[challenges of market integration for Ethiopian farmers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cluster farming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cluster farming and wheat commercialization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethiopia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethiopia agricultural policy and food security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethiopia's wheat production growth and market access issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethiopian wheat market dynamics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[factors influencing wheat sales among Ethiopian smallholders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[fractional logit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Household Commercialisation Index]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of irrigation on Ethiopia wheat production]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[irrigation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[market participation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[production shocks]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regional differences in Ethiopian wheat farming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[road infrastructure and wheat market access]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[role of infrastructure development in Ethiopian agriculture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rural roads]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[smallholder farmers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[smallholder wheat farming in Ethiopia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[wheat commercialisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[wheat export and import dependency in Ethiopia]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=192097</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A survey of 395 wheat-farming households in Northwestern Ethiopia finds farmers sell just over half their harvest, with roads, irrigation, education, and cluster farming boosting market engagement while credit access and production shocks hold commercialisation back.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Smallholder wheat farmers in Northwestern Ethiopia are selling just over half of their harvest, according to a new study that offers one of the most detailed portraits yet of how close, and how far, the region&#8217;s staple-crop agriculture remains from full market integration. The research, published in BMC Agriculture, surveyed 395 wheat-producing households across the East Gojjam and West Gojjam zones of the Amhara region and computed a Household Commercialisation Index for each farm. The average index came out at 0.522, meaning that participating households sold roughly 52.2 percent of the wheat they harvested during the reference season. In a country where wheat is both a cornerstone of food security and a politically sensitive import item, that single number carries considerable policy weight.</p>
<p>The findings arrive at a striking moment for Ethiopian wheat. National output jumped from 54 million quintals in 2019-20 to 170 million quintals in 2023, making Ethiopia Africa&#8217;s second-largest wheat producer, yet the country continues to rely on imports to meet domestic demand. The new study argues that this paradox is fundamentally a commercialisation problem rather than a production problem: growing more wheat does not automatically translate into more wheat reaching markets, higher rural incomes, or greater food availability. Understanding which households sell their surplus, and why, is therefore central to Ethiopia&#8217;s ambition of transforming a largely subsistence-oriented farm economy into a market-oriented one.</p>
<p>To measure commercialisation, the researchers used the Household Commercialisation Index, a widely applied metric defined as the ratio of the gross quantity of wheat sold to the gross quantity harvested within a production year. An index of zero indicates a fully subsistence-oriented household, while values approaching one signal a fully commercialised operation. Classifying households using conventional thresholds, the study found that about 54.18 percent of the sampled farms were commercialised, selling more than half of their output, while 21.27 percent were semi-commercialised, selling between 25 and 50 percent, and 24.56 percent remained essentially subsistence producers. The results position Northwestern Ethiopia at a moderate level of market orientation, ahead of some other regions but still well short of the fully commercialised sector that policymakers envision.</p>
<p>The statistical heart of the paper is a fractional logit regression, a modeling approach the authors argue is better suited than the Tobit or Heckman models common in earlier literature for analysing bounded proportional outcomes. Because the commercialisation index takes values only between zero and one, ordinary linear regression can generate implausible predictions outside that range, while censored-data models impose distributional assumptions that are inappropriate when proportions are observed directly. The fractional logit estimator, estimated by quasi-maximum likelihood with robust standard errors, requires only that the conditional mean be correctly specified to yield consistent estimates. Diagnostic checks confirmed the absence of serious multicollinearity, and bootstrapping with 1,000 replications was used to verify the stability of the results.</p>
<p>The model identified a clear set of positive drivers. Households with access to irrigation recorded a commercialisation index 26.6 percentage points higher than those without, a finding the authors attribute to the ability of irrigated farms to run multiple cropping cycles and generate a dependable surplus beyond subsistence needs. Each additional year of education for the household head was associated with a 10.4 percent increase in the degree of commercialisation, reflecting better adoption of efficient farming practices and input management. Livestock ownership in tropical livestock units, larger landholdings, higher off-farm income, and greater use of chemical fertiliser all pushed commercialisation upward, with each additional hectare of cultivated land adding roughly 6.2 percent to the index. All-weather road access produced the single largest effect, lifting the index by 37.7 percentage points, while participation in Ethiopia&#8217;s cluster farming program added 13.9 percentage points.</p>
<p>Cluster farming deserves particular attention because it represents one of the Ethiopian government&#8217;s flagship institutional innovations. Under this arrangement, farmers with adjacent or nearby plots voluntarily synchronize land preparation, input application, and harvesting while retaining individual ownership of their land. The coordination generates economies of scale, lowers transaction costs, eases mechanisation, and strengthens collective bargaining power when marketing surplus grain. The study&#8217;s control function approach tested whether participation in cluster farming was endogenous, since unobserved traits such as managerial skill could simultaneously drive both participation and commercialisation. The residual coefficient proved statistically insignificant, suggesting that the estimated positive effect of cluster farming is not materially biased by such self-selection.</p>
<p>Not every result pointed in the expected direction. Access to formal credit, often assumed to unlock commercial agriculture, was associated with a 9.8 percentage point lower commercialisation index. The authors suggest that loans in the study area are frequently diverted to consumption needs, social obligations, or medical expenses rather than productive investment, and that short repayment periods, high interest rates, and tied lending arrangements discourage riskier farm investments. Larger household sizes also depressed commercialisation, reducing the index by about 11.5 percent per additional member, as bigger families consume more of their own harvest and face higher dependency ratios. Most dramatically, exposure to production shocks such as drought, frost, floods, and wheat diseases cut the index by 25.6 percentage points, because affected households prioritise recovery and consumption over market sales.</p>
<p>The descriptive data from the survey underline how uneven the foundations of commercialisation remain across the countryside. Household heads averaged 41 years of age and 5.48 years of schooling, with landholdings averaging 2.12 hectares and livestock holdings of 11.4 tropical livestock units. About 63 percent of households practiced irrigation farming, only 48 percent had access to an all-weather road, and 54 percent had access to financial services. Meanwhile, 98 percent of the wheat-producing households were male-headed, a reflection of persistent gender gaps in control over land, finance, and equipment. Extension services reached 72 percent of farmers, 86 percent belonged to cooperatives, and 57 percent participated in cluster farming, indicating substantial but incomplete institutional coverage.</p>
<p>For policymakers, the study&#8217;s implications are concrete. The authors rank all-weather road investment first, because dependable transport slashes transaction costs and allows farmers to sell surplus throughout the year. Irrigation development follows, as a hedge against rainfall dependence and a guarantee of marketable surplus. They call for cluster farming to be scaled up as a collective production and marketing strategy, and for financial systems to be redesigned around input-linked credit and harvest-based repayment schedules, complemented by financial literacy training. Extension services should shift from simple access toward frequent, practical, market-oriented advice, while risk management tools, including climate-resilient wheat varieties, early warning systems, and agricultural insurance, should buffer farmers against the shocks that demonstrably push them out of markets. Households with larger families, the authors add, need targeted productivity-enhancing technologies to ease subsistence pressure.</p>
<p>The authors caution that their cross-sectional design, covering the 2024/25 production season in selected districts, captures a snapshot rather than long-term dynamics and may not generalise beyond Northwestern Ethiopia. Still, the picture that emerges is of a sector in genuine transition: more than half of the region&#8217;s wheat farmers already sell the majority of their crop, propelled by roads, irrigation, fertiliser, education, and coordinated cluster production, while a quarter remain outside the market economy altogether. Closing that gap, the study suggests, depends less on growing more wheat than on building the infrastructure, institutions, and risk protections that allow smallholders to profit from what they already grow.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s analytical framing draws on three complementary theoretical traditions that help explain why market engagement varies so widely among otherwise similar farming households. The Agricultural Household Model is particularly relevant in settings like rural Ethiopia, where markets for credit, labor, and risk-sharing are incomplete or missing. Under these conditions, farm households do not separate production decisions from consumption choices; instead, they jointly determine what to grow, what to eat, and how to allocate family labor within a single constrained framework. Liquidity, demographic composition, and subsistence needs therefore shape output sales as much as market prices do, producing the non-separable behaviour that the fractional logit results reflect.</p>
<p>Transaction Cost Theory adds a second lens. Roads, cluster coordination, and cooperative membership all reduce the fixed costs of finding buyers, enforcing agreements, and moving grain, which helps explain why all-weather road access and cluster farming carried such large estimated effects. Production Theory completes the picture by linking input use and productivity to the size of the marketable surplus: irrigated farms and fertiliser users can generate output well beyond household consumption requirements, creating the surplus that commercialisation requires.</p>
<p>The broader national context underscores the stakes. Agriculture contributed roughly 34.9 percent of Ethiopia&#8217;s GDP in 2024, and wheat alone occupies about 19.9 percent of the cereal cultivated area while supplying 22.3 percent of cereal production. With a population of approximately 126.5 million and rising urban demand, converting production gains into marketed surplus remains a central pillar of the country&#8217;s Ten-Year Development Plan.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Wheat commercialisation levels and their determinants among smallholder farmers in Northwestern Ethiopia</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Wheat commercialisation level among smallholder farmers in Northwestern Ethiopia</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Enyew, S., Mahedi, M., Demeke, G., &amp; Animaw, B. (2026). Wheat commercialisation level among smallholder farmers in Northwestern Ethiopia. <em>BMC Agriculture, 2</em>(1), Article 25. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s44399-026-00049-7" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1186/s44399-026-00049-7</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s44399-026-00049-7" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1186/s44399-026-00049-7</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> wheat commercialisation, smallholder farmers, Ethiopia, Household Commercialisation Index, fractional logit, cluster farming, irrigation, rural roads, access to credit, production shocks, market participation, Amhara region</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">192097</post-id>	</item>
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