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	<title>educational inequality &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>educational inequality &#8211; Science</title>
	<link>https://scienmag.com</link>
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		<title>Inside Thailand&#8217;s Equity Experiment: What 61 Vocational Scholars Reveal About Work-Based Learning</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/inside-thailands-equity-experiment-what-61-vocational-scholars-reveal-about-work-based-learning/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Drew Townsend]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 03 Oct 2026 14:54:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Biology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[addressing educational inequality in Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[curriculum alignment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disadvantaged vocational students Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dual vocational education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[education policy for marginalized youth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[educational inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Equitable Education Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[equitable education in Southeast Asia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[labor-market mismatch in vocational training]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mixed methods]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NEET youth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Principal Component Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Provincial TVET Model evaluation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[student well-being]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thailand vocational education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[TVET]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[vocational mentorship programs Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[vocational scholarship programs Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[vocational scholarships]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[work-based learning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[work-based learning in Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[work-based training impact Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth employment and NEET rates Thailand]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=230406</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A new mixed-methods study of Thailand's EEF Provincial TVET Model finds favorable student support conditions and strong instructor-rated competencies, while flagging curriculum-workplace alignment and work-based learning monitoring as priorities for further evaluation.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Thailand&#8217;s fight against educational inequality has a new evidence base. A study published in Heliyon has provided one of the first integrated looks at how disadvantaged vocational students experience teaching, learning, and work-based training under the Equitable Education Fund&#8217;s Provincial TVET Model, a policy designed to connect vocational education with the economic realities of individual provinces. The research, led by Pinit Nuangpirom and colleagues, combined questionnaires from 61 scholarship students and 11 mentor instructors across six vocational institutions in three provinces with brief interviews covering all 72 participants. The result is a detailed, if deliberately cautious, portrait of a program that sits at the intersection of youth vulnerability, labor-market mismatch, and one of Southeast Asia&#8217;s most persistent policy challenges: keeping young people connected to education and meaningful work.</p>
<p>The stakes are considerable. Recent data from Thailand&#8217;s National Statistical Office show that the proportion of young people aged 15 to 24 who are not in employment, education, or training, the so-called NEET rate, remained at 12.2 percent in 2025. For disadvantaged vocational learners, vulnerability is rarely a single problem; it is typically a tangle of household financial pressure, debt burdens, unstable living conditions, limited access to counseling, and uncertainty about employment after graduation. The Equitable Education Fund, established as a policy mechanism to reduce educational inequality, addresses this through two connected pathways: scholarships and student-support mechanisms that ease financial, living, and psychosocial constraints, and dual-education arrangements that place students in real workplaces as part of their formal curriculum. The new study set out to examine how these pathways actually feel to the people living them.</p>
<p>The research design was quantitative-led and explanatory. All 61 EEF scholarship recipients enrolled in the first year of Higher Vocational Certificate programs at the six participating institutions took part, alongside all 11 mentor teachers responsible for supervising them. The provinces were chosen for policy relevance rather than statistical representativeness: Kamphaeng Phet, with an economy anchored in agriculture and agricultural machinery; Khon Kaen, oriented toward business, digital technology, and industrial and service sectors; and Phuket, where tourism and marine-related services dominate. The eight programs on offer, from agricultural machinery and animal science to digital business technology, electrical work, accounting, and marine maintenance, mirror these local labor markets, reflecting the Provincial Model&#8217;s emphasis on area-based workforce development.</p>
<p>The students&#8217; answers painted a broadly reassuring picture of daily conditions. On a six-point scale scored from 0 to 5, ratings for living-environment indicators clustered high: medical-service adequacy averaged 4.46, housing safety 4.43, and food-service availability 4.41. Stress ratings were low, with means between 1.40 and 1.57 across study-related, adaptation-related, and personal stress. Ratings of academic, family, relationship, and legal or safety problems were similarly low, and students reported moderate-to-strong family, peer, and institutional support. Perhaps most striking, 90.2 percent of the 51 students who answered the debt question reported having no personal debt at all, and 71.2 percent reported monthly savings of only 0 to 500 baht, a pattern suggesting that while these students are not heavily indebted, most have very little financial cushion.</p>
<p>To probe the structure behind these numbers, the team harmonized the scoring direction of all 28 rating indicators so that higher values consistently meant more favorable conditions, then computed Pearson correlations among the six domain scores. Lower stress covaried moderately with lower personal risk (r = 0.67), favorable living conditions tracked with adaptation (r = 0.60), and adaptation linked with engagement and support (r = 0.48 and 0.46). A Spearman rank-based sensitivity analysis confirmed these patterns, with the two sets of coefficients correlating at 0.983. An exploratory principal component analysis then condensed the six domains into three components explaining 36.0, 28.9, and 14.7 percent of the variance respectively. The first component captured a broad pattern of adaptation, living conditions, and support; the second separated low stress and low risk from engagement-related variation; the third contrasted engagement with support. The authors are explicit that these are descriptive summaries of one sample, not validated psychological constructs.</p>
<p>The instructor data added a second lens. Eleven mentor teachers rated students&#8217; living conditions, well-being, and adjustment, generally favorably: physical health averaged 4.45, access to counseling 4.36, and adaptation to new environments 4.50. Stress and anxiety, rated at 2.64 on average, and depressive symptoms at 1.36, stood out as the relatively weaker indicators, a combination the authors note is consistent with wider evidence that vocational learners can experience stress even when institutional support is adequate. On competencies, the instructors were emphatic about strengths: teamwork averaged 4.50, use of technology for learning 4.45, intercultural communication 4.27, and self-management 4.18, while honesty and integrity and professional ethics both topped the scale at 4.68. These are perceptions, the study stresses, not workplace competency assessments, and cannot be attributed specifically to work-based learning exposure.</p>
<p>Curriculum ratings, completed by nine of the eleven instructors, were also favorable. Curriculum alignment with occupational standards and local needs averaged 4.28, learning design 4.39, teaching methods 4.56, and assessment of learning outcomes 4.61, with medians between 4.00 and 5.00 across the domain. Instructor professional development was the most variable item at 4.06 with a standard deviation of 1.38. Yet here the study&#8217;s most interesting tension emerges: despite these favorable instructor ratings, the brief interviews with all 72 participants most frequently recorded concerns about curriculum alignment with local competencies, the need to improve competency-based assessment, and the desire for stronger dual training through work-integrated learning. Because the interview field notes were combined across student and instructor groups and were not audio-recorded or transcribed verbatim, the authors treat these categories as contextual signals rather than contradictory evidence, but the coexistence of high curriculum ratings and frequent alignment concerns is precisely the kind of finding that invites closer workplace-level scrutiny.</p>
<p>The methodological honesty of the paper is itself notable. The instruments were validated in three stages, with expert content validity assessed using the Index of Item-Objective Congruence, where all retained items scored at or above the 0.67 threshold, and preliminary reliability estimated with Cronbach&#8217;s alpha and McDonald&#8217;s omega, which ranged from 0.609 to 0.854 and 0.651 to 0.870 respectively across student domains. The authors repeatedly caution that the domains are diagnostic indicators for these specific settings rather than fully validated psychometric scales, that the cross-sectional design prevents causal claims, and that the study deliberately excluded direct evidence from workplace mentors, employers, placement records, or competency assessments. Missing data on the three categorical health, debt, and savings indicators, 25, 10, and 2 missing responses respectively, were handled by exclusion rather than imputation, so they did not contaminate the correlation or PCA results.</p>
<p>What the study ultimately offers is a map of where to look next. The authors frame their policy implications as priorities for continued evaluation rather than demonstrated effects: scholarship support and targeted financial assistance remain relevant for some students even when average stress is low; the alignment between institutionally assigned courses and authentic workplace tasks, which the program structure explicitly allows to vary across placements, deserves direct monitoring; and competency-based assessment and employer participation emerge as natural next targets for investigation. They also point toward the future of vocational education analytics, noting that deep-learning ensemble approaches for predicting outcomes in outcome-based education would require larger longitudinal samples, direct workplace assessments, and transparent validation before they could supplement professional judgment in programs like this one.</p>
<p>For a model that explicitly ties vocational education to provincial economic structures, the study&#8217;s core contribution is integration: it places student-reported experience, instructor-rated observation, and contextual interview evidence within a single empirical frame, something earlier research on Thai vocational education had not done for the EEF Provincial TVET Model. The picture that emerges is of a program whose support scaffolding appears to be working, with favorable living conditions, low reported stress, and strong perceived institutional backing, while its work-based learning machinery, the part that most directly determines whether classroom learning translates into workplace capability, remains the least directly measured and most frequently questioned element. Longitudinal follow-up across the four-semester alternating structure, with employer assessments and graduate employment outcomes, would be needed to establish whether this equity-oriented experiment delivers on its central promise: helping disadvantaged young Thais move from vulnerability into skilled, locally relevant employment.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Teaching-learning conditions and work-based learning under Thailand&#x27;s EEF Provincial TVET Model for disadvantaged vocational students</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Teaching–learning and work-based learning conditions in Thailand&#x27;s EEF provincial TVET model</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Nuangpirom, P., Nakkiew, W., Nakkiew, W., Pitjamit, S., Pisutha-Arnond, N., &amp; Jewpanya, P. (2026). Teaching–learning and work-based learning conditions in Thailand&#x27;s EEF provincial TVET model. <em>Heliyon, 12</em>(15), Article e45380. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2026.e45380" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2026.e45380</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2026.e45380" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1016/j.heliyon.2026.e45380</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> TVET, Thailand, Equitable Education Fund, work-based learning, dual vocational education, NEET youth, educational inequality, curriculum alignment, student well-being, mixed methods, principal component analysis, vocational scholarships</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">230406</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Children With Child Protective Services Contact Miss Far More School Than Peers</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/children-with-child-protective-services-contact-miss-far-more-school-than-peers/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 20 Sep 2026 21:28:06 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Science Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adolescent development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Child maltreatment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child protective services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Child Protective Services contact]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child welfare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Children and Youth Services Review]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[chronic absenteeism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[chronic absenteeism among vulnerable children]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[early childhood trauma and educational outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[educational challenges for children in foster care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[educational inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[effects of abuse and neglect on school attendance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of child welfare system on education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[influence of domestic violence on student attendance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ohio State University]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parental substance abuse and student school attendance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poverty and education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[racial disparities in CPS investigations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[school attendance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[school attendance disparities for children involved with CPS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[school connectedness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[school engagement of children with child protective services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[student absenteeism and academic performance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[student engagement]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=202852</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[New research from The Ohio State University finds that students with Child Protective Services contact are more likely to be absent from school, are flagged more often by teachers, and feel less connected to school than their peers.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>As classrooms across the United States fill for another academic year, a new study reveals that one of the largest and least examined groups of chronically absent students may be hiding in plain sight. Children who have had contact with Child Protective Services, the agency tasked with investigating allegations of abuse and neglect, miss significantly more school than their peers, and the gap spans both excused and unexcused absences. The research, led by Arya Ansari, an associate professor of human development and family science at The Ohio State University, and published in the peer-reviewed journal Children and Youth Services Review, offers the most detailed picture yet of how involvement with the child welfare system shapes a child&#8217;s day-to-day educational experience.</p>
<p>The scale of the population involved is striking. In 2024 alone, nearly three million children in the United States were the subject of a CPS investigation, which can be triggered by suspicions of abuse, neglect, parental substance abuse, or domestic violence. Cumulatively, the researchers note, more than one third of American children will have some contact with CPS before their eighteenth birthday. For Black children, that figure rises above half. Despite these numbers, Ansari observed that the absenteeism literature has almost entirely overlooked this group, a gap he described as surprising given how extensively school absence has been studied in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.</p>
<p>To close that gap, the team drew on the Future of Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a longitudinal project that has followed 3,334 adolescents across twenty large American cities from birth through age fifteen. The researchers compared families&#8217; reports of school attendance for adolescents who had experienced CPS contact by age fifteen against those who had not, and they paired these attendance records with students&#8217; own reports of how connected they felt to their schools. This dual focus mattered because school connectedness, the sense of being safe, valued, and relationally embedded in a school community, has emerged in prior work as one of the few malleable levers schools can pull to combat absence.</p>
<p>The findings were unambiguous. Students with CPS contact were more likely to be absent from school than their classmates, whether those absences were excused or unexcused, indicating that the disparity is not simply a matter of families failing to prioritize attendance. The differences extended beyond raw absence counts. These students were fourteen percentage points more likely to have teachers reach out to their families about attendance problems, a signal that educators perceive and flag the issue even when its structural roots lie outside the classroom. They also reported feeling measurably less connected to their schools than their peers, a psychological distance that the authors argue both reflects and reinforces the attendance gap.</p>
<p>Chronic absenteeism, defined as missing at least ten percent of instructional time, has long been a concern in American education. In the 2018-19 academic year, fifteen percent of K-12 students were chronically absent. The pandemic then drove national rates to twenty-eight percent in 2021-22, and although they have since declined, they still stood at twenty-four percent in 2024. Against that backdrop, identifying subgroups of students at especially elevated risk has become a central task for researchers and district leaders alike, and the new study suggests that CPS-involved youth belong near the top of that list.</p>
<p>Ansari is careful to frame CPS contact itself as a source of adversity rather than a neutral administrative event. An investigation, even one that does not confirm maltreatment, places a family under heightened surveillance and can strain the very routines, including regular school attendance, that support a child&#8217;s development. He describes two common parental responses to that surveillance. Some families disengage, pulling further away from institutions and keeping children home more often to avoid scrutiny. Others react by becoming more diligent, ensuring their children attend school every day. The net effect across the population, however, is a clear elevation in absence risk for CPS-involved youth.</p>
<p>The study also probes whether school connectedness can narrow the attendance gap, and the answer is nuanced. Greater connectedness did explain part of the difference in absences between students with and without CPS contact, confirming that relational factors matter. Yet on its own, school connectedness did not effectively close the gap, because the benefits of feeling connected accrue broadly rather than disproportionately. Interventions that build connectedness, such as fostering positive teacher-student relationships, cultivating inclusive school climates, and expanding access to extracurricular activities, help all children roughly equally. That is valuable, Ansari argues, but it means connectedness programs cannot be expected to single-handedly compensate for the adversity CPS-involved children carry with them through the school door.</p>
<p>Instead, he positions school connectedness as one piece of a larger toolkit that must also address the material conditions shaping attendance. Housing and income instability, food insecurity, and mental and physical health disparities all weigh heavily on the families in the study&#8217;s sample. Ansari points to concrete examples: families cutting meals so that children arrive at school hungry and disengaged, or students without bus service who must walk routes their parents consider unsafe because of traffic or crime. These barriers, he notes, are largely driven by poverty, and no school-based relational intervention can fully counteract them. For children dealing with potential abuse or neglect at home, school can serve as a resource and a getaway, a pathway toward higher education and greater opportunity, but it cannot, in his words, counteract all the historical and ongoing forces operating at the same time.</p>
<p>The practical implications cut in two directions. For schools, the message is that attendance strategies should not treat CPS-involved students as simply unmotivated or their families as indifferent, since the absences often track adversity and surveillance dynamics beyond the school&#8217;s control. For child welfare systems, the findings suggest that educational continuity deserves explicit attention during and after investigations, given how consequential regular attendance is for grades, test scores, future educational plans, career opportunities, and economic mobility. Ansari also emphasizes the social-relational dimension of schooling, arguing that relationships among students, teachers, and peers are essential to any strategy for tackling absenteeism, and that educators should keep this in mind as they design engagement efforts. The study was co-authored by Kierra M.P. Sattler of the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, and together the authors call for attendance research and policy to finally account for the millions of children whose lives intersect with the child welfare system.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> The relationship between child protective services contact and school absenteeism and school connectedness among United States adolescents.</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Kids involved with child protective services miss much more school than their peers</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Kids involved with child protective services miss much more school than their peers. (n.d.). <a href="https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/1144610" rel="noopener noreferrer">Original publication</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> Not provided</p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> child protective services, chronic absenteeism, school connectedness, child welfare, educational inequality, school attendance, adolescent development, child maltreatment, poverty and education, student engagement, Ohio State University, Children and Youth Services Review</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">202852</post-id>	</item>
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