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	<title>differences &#8211; Science</title>
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	<title>differences &#8211; Science</title>
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		<title>Who Uses AI in Medical Training? New Study Reveals a Sociodemographic Divide</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/who-uses-ai-in-medical-training-new-study-reveals-a-sociodemographic-divide/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Courtney Benton]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2026 15:34:51 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Science Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[age-related differences in AI familiarity among medical students]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AI adoption in medical education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AI literacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Artificial Intelligence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[challenges and opportunities of AI integration in]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cross-sectional study on AI perception and usage in medical education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[differences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disparities in artificial intelligence engagement among health sciences students]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ecuador]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[health equity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[health sciences education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[higher education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of ethnicity and gender on AI awareness in healthcare education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Latin American perspectives on AI in medical training]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[measurement of multidimensional AI interaction among future health professionals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Medical Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[role of academic program in AI adoption within health sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sociodemographic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sociodemographic factors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sociodemographic factors influencing AI use in healthcare training]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[technology use]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[university students]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=195959</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A survey of 668 health sciences students in Ecuador finds that sex, academic program, and ethnic self-identification shape how future health professionals perceive, use, and understand artificial intelligence.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Artificial intelligence is sweeping through hospitals, laboratories, and lecture halls at a pace that has left many educators scrambling to keep up. Yet while headlines celebrate AI&#8217;s potential to transform medicine, far less attention has been paid to a deceptively simple question: which students are actually engaging with these tools, and which are being left behind? A new cross-sectional study from Ecuador offers one of the most detailed answers yet for Latin America, and its findings reveal a portrait of AI adoption in health sciences education that is anything but uniform.</p>
<p>Researchers at Universidad Técnica del Norte in Ibarra surveyed 668 undergraduate students drawn from four health sciences programs at the public university. Their goal was to map how sociodemographic factors—sex, age, academic program, and ethnic self-identification—shape the way future health professionals perceive, use, and understand artificial intelligence. The results, published in BMC Medical Education, suggest that engagement with AI is not a single undivided attitude but a multidimensional phenomenon, with different student groups excelling, lagging, or diverging across distinct dimensions of AI interaction.</p>
<p>The methodological architecture of the study is worth examining, because it reflects the growing sophistication of educational measurement research. The team administered a 31-item Likert-type questionnaire, in which respondents rated their agreement with statements on graduated scales. Before analyzing group differences, the researchers subjected the instrument to exploratory factor analysis, a statistical technique that identifies latent constructs underlying patterns of responses. The analysis distilled the questionnaire to a final 30-item structure organized around three coherent dimensions: Critical Perceptions of AI in Health Sciences Education, Practical Use of AI Tools, and AI Knowledge and Readiness. Each dimension demonstrated high internal consistency, with Cronbach&#8217;s alpha values ranging from 0.905 to 0.911—figures that indicate the items within each scale measure the same underlying construct with remarkable reliability.</p>
<p>With the measurement framework established, the researchers deployed a battery of statistical approaches. Because Likert-scale data are ordinal rather than strictly continuous, they applied non-parametric tests alongside adjusted general linear models, which allowed them to estimate the independent effect of each sociodemographic variable while controlling for the others. They also employed Multiple Correspondence Analysis, a technique that visualizes associations among categorical variables in a low-dimensional space, revealing clusters and patterns that traditional hypothesis tests can obscure. This triangulation of methods strengthens confidence that the reported differences are not artifacts of a single analytical choice.</p>
<p>The headline finding concerns sex. After adjustment, sex was significantly associated with two of the three dimensions: Critical Perceptions (p = 0.013) and Practical Use (p = 0.043). Female students scored higher on critical perceptions—meaning they reported more nuanced, evaluative attitudes toward AI&#8217;s role in health sciences education—while male students reported higher practical use of AI tools. In other words, women in the sample were more likely to think carefully and skeptically about AI, while men were more likely to roll up their sleeves and experiment with it. The researchers are careful not to overinterpret this pattern, but it echoes broader literature on gendered technology adoption, in which early hands-on engagement with emerging technologies has often skewed male even as attitudes and confidence diverge in more complicated ways.</p>
<p>Academic program emerged as an even stronger predictor. The program a student was enrolled in was significantly associated with both Practical Use of AI Tools (p &lt; 0.001) and AI Knowledge and Readiness (p = 0.003). This is perhaps unsurprising—students training in fields with heavier computational or diagnostic components may encounter AI differently than those focused on, say, nursing or public health—but its magnitude underscores a structural point: AI literacy in health professions education is currently being shaped by curricular silos rather than by a shared institutional strategy. A student&#8217;s exposure to and comfort with these tools depends substantially on which faculty corridor they happen to study in.</p>
<p>Ethnic self-identification also mattered, showing a significant association with AI Knowledge and Readiness (p = 0.029). In a country as ethnically diverse as Ecuador, where Indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian communities have historically faced unequal access to educational and technological resources, this finding carries particular weight. It suggests that the digital divide surrounding AI may intersect with longer-standing patterns of social inequality, meaning that efforts to democratize AI education cannot be culturally or demographically blind. Notably, age was not independently associated with any of the three dimensions, defying the common stereotype that older students are uniformly slower to embrace new technologies.</p>
<p>One of the most scientifically honest aspects of the study is its treatment of effect sizes. The researchers report that the significant adjusted effects were small, with partial eta-squared values ranging from 0.006 to 0.028. In plain terms, while sex, program, and ethnicity are statistically reliable predictors of AI engagement differences, they explain only a modest fraction of the overall variation among students. This is an important corrective to sensational readings of the data: the story is not that women cannot use AI or that certain programs produce technophobes. Rather, sociodemographic factors subtly tilt the landscape of engagement, and even small tilts can compound across hundreds of thousands of students entering health workforces worldwide.</p>
<p>The authors argue that their findings support a specific prescription: structured and equitable AI education woven across all health sciences curricula, rather than left to chance or concentrated in select programs. Such curricula, they contend, should simultaneously strengthen practical skills, factual knowledge, critical appraisal capacity, and responsible use—a four-pillar approach that mirrors the study&#8217;s own dimensional structure. If AI competence is multidimensional, then educational interventions must be too, addressing not only how to operate a tool but when to trust it, when to question it, and how to deploy it ethically in patient care.</p>
<p>The broader stakes extend well beyond a single Ecuadorian university. Health systems across Latin America and the Global South are preparing to integrate AI-assisted diagnostics, triage algorithms, and predictive analytics, often without a clear picture of how equitably the incoming workforce is prepared for them. Studies like this one provide the granular, locally grounded evidence needed to design interventions that reach the students who most need them. As generative AI tools proliferate faster than curricula can adapt, the question is shifting from whether health professionals will use AI to whether they will use it well—and, crucially, whether that competence will be distributed fairly across sex, ethnicity, and discipline. The Ecuador data suggest that without deliberate institutional action, the answer to the second question may be no.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Sociodemographic differences in health sciences students&#x27; engagement with artificial intelligence in Ecuador</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Sociodemographic differences in health sciences students’ engagement with artificial intelligence: a cross-sectional study</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Sociodemographic differences in health sciences students’ engagement with artificial intelligence: a cross-sectional study. (n.d.). <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-026-10393-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-026-10393-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-026-10393-6" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1186/s12909-026-10393-6</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> artificial intelligence, health sciences education, medical education, sociodemographic factors, AI literacy, higher education, Ecuador, university students, technology use, health equity, Sociodemographic, differences</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">195959</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Gender differences in coping strategies and mental health outcomes among people living with chronic medical conditions</title>
		<link>https://scienmag.com/gender-differences-in-coping-strategies-and-mental-health-outcomes-among-people-living-with-chronic-medical-conditions/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Glenn Wilkins]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 03 Sep 2026 17:30:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Social Science]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[chronic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[chronic disease management]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conditions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coping strategies for long-term illnesses]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[depression and anxiety in chronic patients]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[differences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender differences in coping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gender disparities in mental health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare challenges in low-income countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impact of chronic illnesses on psychological well-being]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[living]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[long-term psychological effects of chronic medical conditions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[medical]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health assessment in Ghana]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mental health outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[outcomes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[people]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[psychological distress in chronic illness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strategies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stress levels among chronic disease patients]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://scienmag.com/?p=186498</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[None Living with a long-term medical condition such as hypertension or diabetes is rarely only a physical experience. The daily demands of monitoring symptoms, adhering to medication regimens, attending clinic appointments, and adjusting to lifestyle restrictions create a persistent psychological]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>None<br />
Living with a long-term medical condition such as hypertension or diabetes is rarely only a physical experience. The daily demands of monitoring symptoms, adhering to medication regimens, attending clinic appointments, and adjusting to lifestyle restrictions create a persistent psychological load that can accumulate over years of illness. The recent study conducted in the Central Region of Ghana among 457 patients receiving care at two public hospitals offers a window into how heavy that load can become. Using the Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scale, known as DASS-21, the researchers documented a strikingly high burden of psychological distress across the sample. Stress reached the severe level for 187 participants, representing 40.9 percent, while anxiety at the extremely severe level affected 307 participants, or 67.2 percent of the sample. Depression was most frequently classified as extremely severe among 202 participants, equivalent to 44.2 percent, with a further 132 participants, or 28.9 percent, experiencing moderate depression.</p>
<p>These figures deserve careful reflection because they come from a group of people whose primary reason for visiting the hospital was the management of a chronic physical illness rather than a mental health concern. In many low- and middle-income countries, chronic disease clinics are structured around biomedical monitoring: blood pressure readings, blood glucose measurements, prescription refills, and brief consultations. Psychological suffering in such settings can remain invisible unless clinicians actively ask about it. The pattern observed in this study suggests that distress is not an occasional complication of chronic illness but a common companion to it. When more than two thirds of a sample reports extremely severe anxiety, the finding points to a systemic gap in care rather than an isolated clinical problem.</p>
<p>The study also examined how participants coped with illness-related challenges, drawing on the Africultural Coping Systems Inventory, a measure designed to capture coping strategies rooted in African cultural contexts. This choice of instrument is significant. Much of the coping literature has been developed in Western settings and tends to emphasize individual-oriented strategies such as problem-focused planning or cognitive reframing. The Africultural Coping Systems Inventory instead recognizes approaches that are commonly observed in African communities, including collective coping, in which family members, friends, and community networks share the burden of a problem, and cognitive-emotional debriefing, in which individuals work through their feelings by talking them out with others. Measuring these strategies acknowledges that coping is a culturally embedded behavior, not a universal script.</p>
<p>Gender differences emerged in both distress and coping. Female participants reported significantly higher depression, anxiety, and stress scores than male participants, and the effect sizes fell in the moderate-to-large range, indicating differences that are not merely statistical artifacts but meaningful disparities in lived experience. Male participants, by contrast, reported significantly greater use of collective coping and cognitive-emotional debriefing, although the effect sizes here were small. This asymmetry in magnitude is noteworthy. The gender gap in psychological distress was substantial, while the gender gap in coping strategies, though statistically reliable, was more modest. In other words, women in this sample were carrying considerably more emotional weight, and the coping differences detected did not appear large enough on their own to explain that burden fully.</p>
<p>Several lines of reasoning, supported by broader scientific understanding of chronic disease and mental health, help contextualize these findings. Hypertension and diabetes are both conditions that require sustained self-management, and the demands of that management interact with social and economic circumstances. Women in many households assume caregiving responsibilities not only for themselves but for children, partners, and older relatives, which can compress the time and energy available for managing their own health. Dietary recommendations, medication schedules, and clinic visits may be harder to follow when a person is also responsible for feeding a family or working in informal employment without sick leave. Economic vulnerability can also amplify the stress of a condition that requires regular medication, since interruptions in supply or affordability are common in resource-constrained health systems.</p>
<p>The finding of extremely severe anxiety in a majority of participants also invites attention to the biological and psychological interplay between chronic metabolic or cardiovascular disease and emotional states. Anxiety and stress activate physiological pathways that can affect blood pressure and glycemic control, creating a potential feedback loop in which poor mental health worsens the physical condition, which in turn deepens distress. Depression is similarly consequential: it is associated with reduced medication adherence, poorer dietary self-care, and less engagement with follow-up care, all of which can compromise long-term outcomes in hypertension and diabetes. Recognizing this bidirectional relationship strengthens the argument, made by the study&#8217;s authors, that routine mental health screening should be embedded within chronic disease clinics rather than treated as a separate service that patients must seek out on their own.</p>
<p>Screening, however, is only a first step. Identification of distress must be linked to accessible psychosocial support, and the study&#8217;s findings about coping strategies offer guidance on what such support should look like. Because men in the sample leaned on collective coping and cognitive-emotional debriefing, interventions that mobilize family and community structures may resonate more effectively than purely individual approaches. Support groups organized through existing chronic disease clinics, peer-led discussion sessions, and involvement of household members in counseling could build on strategies that patients already find natural. Culturally relevant care of this kind respects the social fabric through which many Ghanaians navigate illness, rather than importing models that assume an isolated, self-reliant patient.</p>
<p>The higher distress reported by women suggests that gender-sensitive care must go beyond identical treatment for all. It requires attention to the specific pressures women face, which may include economic dependence, caregiving overload, and, in some contexts, limited autonomy in health decisions. Health workers could be trained to ask about these circumstances during routine visits, and referral pathways to counseling or social services could be established within the hospitals where patients already receive care. Task-shifting approaches, in which nurses or trained lay counselors deliver basic psychological interventions, have been explored in various low-resource settings and may offer a practical route to expanding mental health support without requiring large numbers of specialist psychiatrists or psychologists.</p>
<p>The study&#8217;s methodology also merits consideration when interpreting its results. As a cross-sectional investigation, it captured a single moment in time for each participant, which means it can document associations between gender, coping, and distress but cannot establish causal direction. It remains possible, for example, that higher distress shapes how people cope rather than the reverse, or that both are influenced by unmeasured factors such as disease duration, severity, income, or social support quality. The reliance on self-report measures introduces the possibility of response bias, and the recruitment of patients from two public hospitals in one region means the findings may not generalize to people managing chronic conditions in private care, in rural communities distant from hospitals, or in other countries. DASS-21 is a screening tool that categorizes symptom severity but is not itself a diagnostic instrument, so the reported percentages reflect symptom burden rather than clinical diagnoses of depressive or anxiety disorders.</p>
<p>Even with these caveats, the scale of the distress documented is difficult to dismiss. The analytic approach, using descriptive statistics and independent t-tests conducted in Jamovi statistical software, was straightforward and transparent, and the moderation of claims about coping differences through small effect sizes reflects a careful reading of the data. The open access publication of the work, carried in Discover Social Science and Health, makes the evidence available to practitioners, policymakers, and researchers in Ghana and beyond, which is particularly valuable for a topic that has received limited attention in resource-constrained settings.</p>
<p>For clinicians, the most immediate implication is the value of asking. A brief, validated screening question about mood or worry during a routine hypertension or diabetes visit costs little and can uncover suffering that patients may not volunteer. For health system planners, the findings argue for integrating mental health services into chronic disease care, a model sometimes described as collaborative or integrated care, so that psychological support becomes a routine component of managing conditions that patients will live with for decades. For communities and families, the findings highlight the role that collective coping already plays and the potential to strengthen it deliberately.</p>
<p>For researchers, the study opens several avenues. Longitudinal designs could clarify how coping strategies and distress influence each other over the course of chronic illness, and how clinical outcomes such as blood pressure control or glycemic stability relate to mental health over time. Qualitative work could illuminate what severe anxiety feels like for a patient managing diabetes in a context of medication shortages, or how women experience the competing demands of illness and family responsibility. Intervention studies could test whether culturally grounded psychosocial support reduces distress and improves self-management.</p>
<p>Ultimately, the study underscores that chronic medical conditions and mental health are inseparable dimensions of the same human experience. The 457 patients who shared their experiences in two hospitals in Ghana&#8217;s Central Region reveal a population carrying a heavy and unevenly distributed psychological burden. Women bear more of the distress; men, on average, draw somewhat more on collective and debriefing strategies. Neither pattern can be addressed by biomedical care alone. A health response that treats the blood pressure reading and the glucose value as the whole story will miss the anxiety, depression, and stress documented here. A response that includes routine screening, gender-sensitive support, and culturally relevant psychosocial care would align chronic disease treatment with the full reality of patients&#8217; lives.</p>
<p>The authors&#8217; conclusion, that mental health screening and gender-sensitive, culturally relevant psychosocial support should be considered within chronic disease clinics, is a practical and evidence-based recommendation. Its implementation would require training, resources, and coordination, but the alternative is a system in which the majority of patients with chronic illness experience extreme anxiety without anyone asking about it. This study provides the local evidence needed to begin changing that.</p>
<p><strong>Subject of Research:</strong> Gender differences in coping strategies and mental health outcomes among people living with chronic medical conditions</p>
<p><strong>Article Title:</strong> Gender differences in coping strategies and mental health outcomes among people living with chronic medical conditions</p>
<p><strong>Article References:</strong> Ninnoni, J. P. K., Commey, I. T., Harmah, E. B., Amoadu, M., &amp; Opoku-Danso, R. (2026). Gender differences in coping strategies and mental health outcomes among people living with chronic medical conditions. <em>Discover Social Science and Health</em>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00479-3" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00479-3</a></p>
<p><strong>Image Credits:</strong> AI Generated</p>
<p><strong>DOI:</strong> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s44155-026-00479-3" rel="noopener noreferrer">10.1007/s44155-026-00479-3</a></p>
<p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Gender, differences, coping, strategies, mental, health, outcomes, people, living, chronic, medical, conditions</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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