The lead author of the study is Thomas Talhelm, the newly appointed Robert Cialdini Endowed Professor in Social Influence in the Department of Psychology at Arizona State University. Talhelm’s insight grew out of seven years spent living in China, an experience that shaped both his intuition and his skepticism about existing measures of culture. While living in Beijing, he encountered behavior that seemed at odds with the textbook picture of a collectivist society. Commuters jostled competitively on the subway, and he received suspicious frowns when he smiled at strangers on the street. At first these interactions appeared inconsistent with China’s reputation for collectivism, until he noticed the common thread running through all of them: they occurred between people who had no close relationship with one another. That observation suggested that the essence of interdependence might not be a general orientation toward other people, but something far more specific.

The prevailing framework in cultural psychology has long classified cultures as either independent or interdependent, with the defining idea being whether people value others more than the individual, a concept conventionally called collectivism. The problem, Talhelm and his colleagues argue, is that this framing is too vague about who counts as the relevant other and what is actually expected of them. A person might feel profound obligations toward aging parents while feeling no particular warmth toward a stranger on the subway, and a survey that lumps these attitudes together will obscure precisely the differences that matter most. By drilling down into the specific duties that come with close bonds, the researchers hoped to untangle decades of conflicting findings and build a measure that captures what genuinely differentiates societies.

To do this, the team designed survey questions that were deliberately specific about who was involved and what was happening. Rather than asking abstract questions about valuing the group, the scenarios described concrete situations: keeping aging parents at home rather than placing them in care, or going to a party and talking to people you do not know in order to make new friends. The researchers specified the closeness of the people involved, whether a parent, a coworker, or a stranger, along with the circumstance and the action in question. Separately, the survey included questions about emotions, probing how people felt about those close to them compared with members of a larger group. This structure allowed the researchers to distinguish obligations rooted in intimate relationships from generalized sociability or group identification, which they suspected had been contaminating earlier measures of collectivism.

The scale of the resulting study is remarkable. The responsibilism survey was translated into 45 languages and administered to 12,247 people across 100 different cultures, with sampled countries covering 90 percent of the world’s population. The results were striking. The new survey reliably separated East Asian and Western cultures, a distinction that previous work had struggled to achieve with any consistency. Countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia scored higher on responsibilism than countries in North America, Europe, and Australia. According to Talhelm, individualism versus collectivism explains differences between continents, nations, and even groups within nations, but responsibilism does so with a clarity and precision that the older construct never managed.

The implications extend well beyond the laboratory. Collectivist cultures tend to perform well on measures of social order, Talhelm explained, but those advantages come at the cost of individual rights and openness. The study found that countries scoring high on the responsibilism survey have lower democracy scores and more corruption in government. They also have fewer policies favoring immigrants, such as the right to work and family reunification, and they produce fewer patents and fewer sales of creative goods. Public health patterns followed the same gradient: countries with high responsibilism scores recorded fewer deaths per capita from COVID-19 and lower rates of drug abuse. These correlations suggest that the obligations people owe to their closest relationships ripple outward into the institutions, economies, and health outcomes of entire societies.

Responsibilism also predicted behavior at the level of individuals. Higher scores were associated with living with extended family members and with a willingness to lie in court for a close friend, a vivid illustration of how duties to intimates can override abstract rules. Lower responsibilism scores, which are associated with more independent cultures, were linked to a greater likelihood of returning a lost wallet, a finding drawn from a large-scale natural experiment, and to fewer parking tickets issued to United Nations diplomats, a connection documented in earlier economic research. In both cases, the behavior in question involves obligations toward strangers, the very relationships that responsibilism treats as structurally different from close bonds.

The United Nations diplomat parking study offers one of the most colorful illustrations of the pattern. Because of diplomatic immunity, parking tickets do not have to be paid, yet the number of violations varied enormously, ranging from none to 246 per diplomat over a four-year period. The key to the behavior, the researchers suggest, lies in the distance of the relationship. Violating parking rules means that someone else, almost certainly a stranger unknown to the driver, was unable to park. Whether that matters to a driver likely depends on how much weight the driver places on obligations to unrelated others. The diplomats with the most parking tickets near the United Nations came from countries with high responsibilism scores, consistent with the idea that strong duties to family and friends can coexist with weaker obligations to anonymous strangers.

The research was conducted in collaboration with investigators from Northwestern University; Hubei University in Wuhan, China; ESADE Business School in Barcelona, Spain; Sultan Qaboos University in Muscat, Oman; Maqsut Narikbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan; Aarhus University in Aarhus, Denmark; and Wenzhou Kean University in Wenzhou, China. The work was supported by the William Ladany Faculty Scholar fund and the National Science Foundation of China. The breadth of the collaboration mirrors the breadth of the survey itself, which required careful translation and cultural adaptation across dozens of languages and research traditions to ensure that questions about parental care, party small talk, and courtroom loyalty carried comparable meaning everywhere they were asked.

Talhelm believes the practical payoff of the work could be substantial. Culture is everywhere, he notes, and because it is everywhere, understanding it unlocks opportunities all around us. The concept of responsibilism has the potential to give insight to people who straddle cultures, including children of immigrants navigating conflicting expectations at home and in school, teachers who adjust their instruction based on students with different value sets, and doctors who must help people make decisions for sick family members. By replacing a blunt and often misleading dichotomy with a measure anchored in the specific duties of close relationships, the study offers psychologists, policymakers, and clinicians a sharper tool for understanding why societies differ, and why the same person can be fiercely loyal to family yet seemingly distant to a stranger on the subway.

Subject of Research: Cross-cultural psychology of close-relationship responsibilities and collectivism

Article Title: Responsibilities in close social relationships explain differences across cultures

Article References: Responsibilities in close social relationships explain differences across cultures. (n.d.). Original publication

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: Not provided

Keywords: responsibilism, collectivism, cross-cultural psychology, individualism, close relationships, Nature Human Behaviour, Thomas Talhelm, Arizona State University, cultural differences, survey research, social order, United Nations diplomats

The researchers chose a phenomenological hermeneutic approach, a qualitative tradition that seeks to understand not just what people do but how they interpret and make meaning of their lived experiences. Rather than measuring outcomes with surveys or statistics, the method asks participants to describe their encounters in depth and then probes those descriptions for the underlying structures of meaning. This is well suited to a question like the one Çınar and Erbay posed: what is it like, day after day, to provide pharmaceutical services to Syrian refugees navigating an unfamiliar health system?

Data collection rested on semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted with eight pharmacy professionals. Some interviews took place face to face, others by telephone, and all were digitally recorded, transcribed, and then reviewed thoroughly by the researchers before analysis. Semi-structured interviewing is a deliberate choice in this kind of research: it provides a common framework of questions while leaving room for participants to raise themes the researchers had not anticipated. The small sample size is typical of phenomenological studies, where the goal is depth of insight into a shared experience rather than statistical generalization across a population.

From the transcripts, the researchers extracted three overarching themes: perceptions and attitudes toward Syrians, adaptations in the working environment, and coping with difficulties. The first theme captures how pharmacy professionals view the refugee population they serve, a dimension that shapes every subsequent interaction. Attitudes in healthcare settings are not static; they are formed and reformed through repeated encounters, and the study treats them as an integral part of the service experience rather than a background variable.

The second theme, adaptations in the working environment, describes the practical changes pharmacists made to keep serving patients effectively. Language barriers emerged as the central challenge. When a patient cannot describe symptoms in Turkish and the pharmacist cannot read a prescription written in Arabic, the risk of misunderstanding is immediate and consequential. In the absence of formal interpreter services, professionals improvised, relying on gestures, drawings, translation applications, bilingual family members, and whatever fragments of shared vocabulary they could assemble. Each workaround carries its own risks, since a family member translating medical information may filter, soften, or distort it, and machine translation remains unreliable for nuanced health communication.

Cultural differences compounded the linguistic ones. Expectations about medication, adherence, and the role of the pharmacist vary across health cultures, and misunderstandings about how and why medicines should be taken can undermine treatment. The study highlights that these were not abstract cultural notes but daily operational realities, surfacing in consultations, in questions about dosing, and in the emotional texture of encounters between people who have fled war and the professionals who serve them.

The third theme, coping with difficulties, brings the emotional dimension of the work into focus. Çınar and Erbay emphasize that their findings illuminate not only practical adaptations but also the emotional burdens pharmacy professionals faced. Serving a traumatized population within a strained system exacts a psychological toll, and the study argues that this burden has been largely invisible in discussions of refugee healthcare, which tend to center on physicians, nurses, and hospitals. Pharmacists, by contrast, work in dispersed community settings where they absorb the pressures of the front line with less institutional support.

Systemic limitations ran through all three themes. The authors point to the need for interpreter services as a concrete, actionable gap: a professional interpreter in the pharmacy would reduce the risk of medication errors, relieve pharmacists of an improvised translation role they were never trained for, and improve the dignity and accuracy of consultations. The finding aligns with a broader international literature the authors cite, including studies of pharmacists serving Syrian refugees in Germany, Jordan, and Lebanon, and qualitative work on refugee healthcare barriers in Australia, Malaysia, and across sixteen European countries. Across these settings, language access recurs as the single most consequential modifiable barrier.

The study also situates itself within the scale of the displacement crisis. Türkiye’s refugee population grew rapidly after 2011, and the United Nations Refugee Agency’s global trends reports document the magnitude of forced displacement worldwide. Previous Turkish studies have documented difficulties refugees face in primary care and in hospital settings, including communication problems and unmet expectations, and a World Bank background paper on the Syrian case in Türkiye has weighed both the successes and the challenges of the response. What the new study adds is the pharmacy counter perspective, a vantage point close to where patients actually obtain medicines.

Methodologically, the authors ground their work in established qualitative traditions, drawing on Colaizzi’s phenomenological analysis procedure and on methodological references from Creswell, Lincoln and Guba, and van Manen, among others. The study received ethical approval from the Ankara University Ethics Committee, and informed consent was obtained from all participants, with procedures conducted in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration. The authors report no competing interests and no external funding. The paper carries a poignant dedication to the memory of Saad Ismail, a Syrian student of the authors who lost his life in the earthquakes that struck Türkiye on February 6, 2023, a reminder that the populations and the people who study them are bound together in the same fragile circumstances.

The practical implications are clear. If community pharmacists are de facto primary care providers for refugee populations, then health policy should equip them accordingly: funded interpreter access, cultural competence training, and clearer referral pathways to physicians and social services. For the global health community, the study is a reminder that healthcare systems are only as accessible as their most local interfaces, and that in Türkiye those interfaces are often staffed by pharmacists improvising across a language divide. Understanding their experience, the authors argue, is a necessary step toward building services that work for everyone who walks through the door.

Subject of Research: Pharmacy professionals' lived experiences providing healthcare services to Syrian refugees in Türkiye

Article Title: The voice of pharmacy professionals: experiences in providing services to Syrian refugees in Türkiye

Article References: Çınar, C., & Erbay, E. (2026). The voice of pharmacy professionals: experiences in providing services to Syrian refugees in Türkiye. SN Social Sciences, 6(9), Article 427. https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-026-01728-7

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1007/s43545-026-01728-7

Keywords: Syrian refugees, pharmacy professionals, refugee healthcare, Türkiye, qualitative research, phenomenology, language barriers, interpreter services, community pharmacists, health communication, cultural differences, healthcare access

Fear of negative evaluation, often abbreviated as FNE, describes the excessive worry and apprehension a person feels about being unfavorably judged by others. Social anxiety, by contrast, is a broader syndrome that includes not only evaluative fear but also maladaptive self-focused attention, anticipatory worry, safety behaviors, avoidance, and disruptions in daily functioning. The DSM-5 explicitly embeds fear of negative evaluation as a core symptom of social anxiety disorder, a condition that affects roughly 4 percent of the global population at some point in their lives according to the World Mental Health Survey. Yet empirical work has shown that social anxiety can also emerge in people with high shame proneness or low social self-efficacy even without pronounced evaluative fear, suggesting the two constructs are related but not identical. Cognitive-behavioral models, including those of Clark and Wells and of Rapee and Heimberg, position fear of negative evaluation as a maintaining bias within social anxiety rather than a mere symptom, making the precise strength of the association a matter of real theoretical weight.

To resolve the question, the research team followed PRISMA 2020 reporting guidelines and prospectively registered their protocol on PROSPERO. They searched major English-language databases including PubMed, ProQuest, and Web of Science, alongside the Chinese-language repositories CNKI and Wanfang Data, capturing studies published between January 2010 and April 2025. Eligible studies had to report Pearson correlations between fear of negative evaluation and social anxiety, or provide sufficient statistics to convert to correlations, in samples of adolescents or adults with at least 20 valid participants. Two independent reviewers screened titles, abstracts, and full texts, extracted data, and assessed methodological quality using the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute tool, achieving an inter-rater agreement kappa of 0.876. The final dataset comprised 143 studies with 146 independent samples and 163 effect sizes, spanning participants aged roughly 12 to 47 years, with about 40 percent of the pooled sample male.

The statistical machinery behind the analysis was deliberately conservative. Because the included studies varied widely in participants, instruments, and cultural contexts, the team adopted a random-effects model a priori, assuming that the true effect size differs across studies. Correlation coefficients were Fisher’s z-transformed to stabilize variance, and heterogeneity was evaluated using Cochran’s Q test, the I² statistic, and prediction intervals, which estimate the likely range of true effects in future studies. Sensitivity analyses used the leave-one-out method and externally standardized residuals to detect whether any single study was driving the results. Publication bias was probed with funnel plots, Egger’s regression test, the Fail-safe N method, and trim-and-fill analysis, and the team also included unpublished dissertations to reduce file-drawer effects.

The headline result was a pooled correlation of r = 0.527, with a 95 percent confidence interval of 0.50 to 0.55, indicating a moderate positive association. That figure was remarkably stable: removing any single study shifted the estimate only between 0.521 and 0.527, and after excluding one statistical outlier the range was 0.524 to 0.529. But the analysis also revealed substantial heterogeneity, with an I² of 88.62 percent and a wide prediction interval of 0.29 to 0.76, meaning the true strength of the association likely varies considerably across populations and settings. The authors emphasize that the pooled estimate should be read as a context-averaged association rather than a uniform number that applies everywhere, a point that matters for anyone hoping to translate the finding into clinical screening or theory.

Publication bias, a perennial worry in meta-analysis, appears unlikely to explain the result. The funnel plot was roughly symmetrical, and Egger’s regression test was non-significant. The Fail-safe N was a striking 77,078, meaning tens of thousands of unpublished null-effect studies would be needed to reduce the pooled result to non-significance. Trim-and-fill analysis did impute 31 potentially missing studies, and after adjustment the pooled correlation dipped from 0.527 to 0.483, but it remained statistically significant and substantial. A moderator comparison between published and unpublished studies also found no significant difference, further supporting the robustness of the association.

The most intriguing findings emerged from the moderator analyses, which asked what explains the variability between studies. The type of social anxiety measurement tool significantly moderated the relationship: correlations were strongest when social anxiety was measured with the Social Interaction Anxiety Scale, at r = 0.601, and weakest with the Social Avoidance and Distress scale, at r = 0.414. The authors attribute this to content overlap, since the SIAS emphasizes emotional experience that aligns closely with the emotional-cognitive nature of fear of negative evaluation, whereas the SAD focuses on behavioral avoidance. In contrast, the type of fear of negative evaluation scale used had no significant effect, likely because the four instruments included all descend from the original Watson and Friend scale and share a common theoretical framework. Notably, gender, age, and publication year were all non-significant moderators, suggesting the association is stable across demographic groups and has not shifted over fifteen years of research despite changing social environments.

Culture told a subtler story. The FNE-social anxiety link was stronger in Western, individualistic samples, at r = 0.592, than in Eastern, collectivistic samples, at r = 0.524. The authors suggest this may reflect differing psychological meanings of negative evaluation: in Western societies, being judged negatively tends to threaten personal worth and adequacy, while in Eastern collectivistic cultures it is more closely tied to maintaining face and relational harmony. However, when the team ran a mixed-effects meta-regression controlling for measurement tool type, the cultural effect shrank to marginal significance, explaining part of a model that accounted for just over 20 percent of between-study heterogeneity. This hints that cultural groups may preferentially use instruments that align with their values and norms, partially confounding culture with measurement, and the authors caution that the broad Eastern-Western binary cannot capture within-group diversity, such as the hybrid characteristics of Japanese culture.

The practical implications reach into the clinic. Because fear of negative evaluation emerges as an important cognitive component of social anxiety rather than its equivalent, cognitive restructuring and emotion regulation strategies that target evaluative fear could be relevant considerations in interventions for socially anxious clients. At the same time, the moderate correlation argues against a practice the authors flag in the literature: some studies have treated fear of negative evaluation scale scores as proxies for social anxiety levels, a move criticized for conflating two theoretically distinct constructs. The new data support keeping the constructs separate while acknowledging their close kinship.

Limitations temper the conclusions. Most included studies relied on adolescent and college student samples, limiting generalizability to older adults and other populations, and the predominance of cross-sectional designs means only linear associations, not causal pathways, can be inferred. A considerable share of heterogeneity remained unexplained even after the moderator analyses, and the heavy representation of Chinese-language studies may constrain how far the findings travel. The authors call for longitudinal and cross-cultural research to clarify the developmental and contextual dynamics of the relationship, including whether it shifts in rapidly evolving digital environments and on social media platforms. For now, the analysis delivers a quantitatively grounded verdict on one of psychology’s most studied links: the fear of being judged is tightly woven into social anxiety, but the thread runs differently through different cultures, instruments, and lives.

Subject of Research: The association between fear of negative evaluation and social anxiety examined through systematic review and meta-analysis

Article Title: The relationship between fear of negative evaluation and social anxiety: a systematic review and meta-analysis

Article References: Peng, S., Zhou, M., Yue, L., Hei, X., Li, Z., Kong, F., Zhang, T., Ren, X., & Song, Y. (2026). The relationship between fear of negative evaluation and social anxiety: a systematic review and meta-analysis. BMC Psychology, 14(1), Article 1458. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-026-05211-z

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1186/s40359-026-05211-z

Keywords: fear of negative evaluation, social anxiety, meta-analysis, social anxiety disorder, cognitive-behavioral model, cultural differences, measurement tools, publication bias, moderator analysis, PRISMA, psychology, relationship

The study was led by Gülhan Yiğitalp of Dicle University, together with Kadriye Olğaç Ak and Vasfiye Bayram Değer of Mardin Artuklu University. Mardin was an ideal setting for such an investigation. The city sits in a region where Kurdish, Arab, Turkish, and Assyrian communities have lived side by side for centuries, often maintaining distinct languages, religious traditions, and health practices despite sharing the same streets and the same health care system. By sampling women aged 20 to 69 from all four groups, the researchers could ask a question that single-community studies cannot answer: when the health system is nominally the same for everyone, why do prevention behaviors differ so dramatically between ethnic groups?

The team designed the work as a descriptive, cross-sectional survey, and they took the statistical groundwork seriously. Before recruiting a single participant, they performed an a priori power analysis using G*Power 3.1 software, calculating how many women would be needed to detect meaningful effects in a multiple linear regression framework. That calculation settled on 403 participants. Each woman completed a personal information form along with three validated instruments: the Health Anxiety Scale, which measures worry and vigilance about illness; the Health Literacy Scale, which captures the ability to find, understand, and apply health information; and the ASSISTS scale, formally known as the Scale to Determine Factors Affecting Women’s Breast Cancer Prevention Behaviors. The data were analyzed in SPSS 22.0 using chi-square tests, analysis of variance with post-hoc comparisons, Pearson correlations, and linear regression.

The headline result concerned clinical breast examinations, in which a trained health professional checks the breasts for lumps or other changes. Women of Assyrian origin underwent these examinations most frequently, with 64.0 percent reporting the practice. At the other end of the spectrum, only 22.8 percent of women of Kurdish origin had undergone a clinical breast examination—a gap of more than forty percentage points between two communities living in the same city. Because clinical breast examination is a frontline tool for detecting breast cancer at earlier, more treatable stages, a disparity of that magnitude is not a statistical curiosity. It represents a real difference in the odds that a tumor will be found in time, and it points to barriers—whether informational, cultural, or structural—that fall unevenly across ethnic lines.

Health anxiety told a more nuanced story. Women of Assyrian and Arab origin reported significantly higher levels of anxiety about their health than women of Turkish origin, a difference that reached statistical significance at p = 0.002. At first glance, elevated anxiety might seem purely negative, a source of distress to be reduced. But in the context of cancer prevention, the relationship between worry and action is complicated. A moderate degree of health concern can motivate women to seek examinations and pay attention to their bodies, while too little concern can breed complacency. The study’s pattern—higher anxiety in the group that also screened most often—hints that emotional engagement with health may be one of the engines driving preventive behavior, though the authors are careful to frame this as a relationship to be explored rather than a simple prescription.

Health literacy, by contrast, peaked in a different community. Women of Turkish origin scored significantly higher than women of the other three groups on total health literacy and on two of its most sophisticated dimensions: interactive literacy, the ability to communicate with health providers and extract useful information from them, and critical literacy, the capacity to evaluate health information and apply it to one’s own circumstances. The difference was robust, with p values below 0.001. This matters because critical health literacy in particular is what turns a pamphlet or a television segment into a personal decision. A woman can memorize the fact that breast screening exists, but unless she can judge that information as relevant to her own life and act on it, the knowledge stays inert. The Turkish-origin group’s advantage on precisely these higher-order dimensions may help explain other behavioral differences the study recorded.

When the researchers turned to the ASSISTS scale, which measures the factors that support women’s breast cancer prevention behaviors, the overall scores were remarkably similar across all four ethnic groups, with no statistically significant difference in the total score. Yet one subscale broke the pattern: stress management was significantly higher among women of Turkish origin than among the others, at p = 0.004. In other words, the raw motivation and general orientation toward prevention were comparable everywhere, but the specific psychological resources that sustain preventive habits were not. This is perhaps the study’s most subtle finding. It suggests that the ethnic differences in screening rates documented earlier in the paper are not simply a matter of one group caring about breast cancer and another not caring. Something else—something closer to the machinery of daily self-care—differs between the communities.

That interpretation gained strength from the regression analyses. Health literacy significantly predicted breast cancer prevention behaviors among women of Assyrian, Kurdish, and Arab origin, with standardized beta coefficients of 0.236, 0.505, and 0.384 respectively, and p values ranging from 0.021 to below 0.001. The strongest effect appeared in the Kurdish-origin group, where health literacy explained a substantial share of the variation in prevention behavior. Notably, the authors report that the total ASSISTS score itself did not differ significantly by ethnicity, which sharpens the implication: the same level of preventive orientation can translate into very different actual behaviors depending on how well a woman can access, understand, and critically use health information. Literacy, in this sense, is the bridge between intention and action—and the bridge is stronger in some communities than in others.

The authors draw a conclusion that reaches well beyond Mardin. Ethnic differences in breast cancer prevention behaviors, they argue, are related not only to the level of knowledge women possess but to how that knowledge translates into behavior. Awareness training and behavioral models, they write, should be planned and implemented with local opinion leaders and community representatives at the table, taking ethnic and cultural characteristics into account. This is a practical prescription with real logic behind it. A health message delivered in the wrong language, by an outsider, through a channel a community does not trust, will fail even if its content is scientifically impeccable. Conversely, a message carried by a trusted local figure, framed in familiar cultural terms, can move a community where generic campaigns stall. The study’s evidence that motivation is similar across groups while translation of motivation into action differs makes this community-embedded approach especially promising.

For a global audience, the study is a reminder that health inequities are rarely as simple as access to a clinic. All 403 women lived in the same city and were nominally served by the same health system, yet their screening rates, anxiety levels, and literacy profiles diverged along ethnic lines in ways that statistics could clearly detect. Breast cancer prevention, the findings imply, is not a single intervention but a chain of psychological and social steps—feeling that health matters, understanding information, judging it relevant, and converting it into a clinic visit or a monthly self-exam—and each link can be forged differently in different cultural settings. As screening programs worldwide confront persistent gaps among minority and ethnic communities, the Mardin data offer both a warning and a template: measure the differences honestly, respect the cultures involved, and build prevention from the community outward rather than from the campaign inward.

Subject of Research: Ethnic differences in health anxiety, health literacy, and breast cancer prevention behaviors among women

Article Title: Identifying factors influencing health anxiety, health literacy, and breast cancer prevention behaviors of women from different ethnic groups

Article References: Yiğitalp, G., Olğaç Ak, K., & Bayram Değer, V. (2026). Identifying factors influencing health anxiety, health literacy, and breast cancer prevention behaviors of women from different ethnic groups. BMC Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-026-05594-z

Image Credits: AI Generated

DOI: 10.1186/s40359-026-05594-z

Keywords: breast cancer, health literacy, health anxiety, ethnicity, cancer prevention, women's health, screening, clinical breast examination, health behavior, cultural differences, Türkiye, public health